Saturday, February 27, 2010

Repeating history? Missing is Kirchner's abysmal popularity.......


Desire Petroleum's "Ocean Guardian" rig, which began drilling for oil in the Falklands. (AP Photo)
Buenos Aires brought its concerns about the Falkland Islands to the United Nations this week as a dispute with the United Kingdom heated up over the archipelago’s sovereignty. While Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner drew support for her country’s territorial claims from fellow Latin American leaders during the Rio Group summit, a British company began drilling operations in the Falkland basin. A Spanish-Argentine partnership announcedintentions to explore for oil as well, but in Argentine territory. The prospect of large oil reserves has brought a new twist on a decades-old disagreement over the Falklands—or Malvinas.

Twenty-eight years ago, Argentina and Great Britain fought over the area's sovereignty during the Falklands War. Yet the territory dispute dates back to well before 1982. Fernández de Kirchner pointed out during her remarks at the Rio Group Summit that Argentina filed its first request for Great Britain to turn over the islands 177 years ago. During the summit in Cancun, Mexico, Fernández de Kirchner won what the UK’s Times Online termed “unprecedented support” for the sovereignty claim from her Latin American counterparts. “Our attitude is one of solidarity with Argentina,” said Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at the summit. “What is the geographical, political and economic explanation for England to be in the Malvinas?”

A day later, Argentine Foreign Minister Jorge Taiana met with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to protest offshore drilling by British company Desire Petroleum’s “Ocean Guardian” rig. Taiana requested the UN press London into talks on the matter, saying the UK violated a UN resolution by unilaterally making the decision to allow drilling in disputed territory. In 1995, Buenos Aires and London signed a joint declaration outlining cooperation on exploration in the Falklands/Malvinas region, but the Argentines rejected the pact in 2007 because the sovereignty question remained unresolved. The UN has approved a number of resolutions related to the area’s sovereignty and has called for a peaceful solution.

In the meantime, neither side appears willing to budge. “We have absolutely no doubt about our sovereignty over the Falkland Islands,” British Foreign Minister Chris Bryant told Sky News this week. But the Argentine Constitution mandates Argentina’s right to govern the area a few hundred miles of its coast. In mid-February, Buenos Airesannounced that ships traveling between Argentina and the UK-governed area would need permits to sail, an action that could raise the price tag for foreign firms hoping to participate in exploration in the area. While drilling took place in the basin back in 1998, at that time exploration ended because of the low cost of oil, reports a BBC Q&A. With prices now above $75 a barrel and an unknown quantity of reserves, the area has drawn keen interest from oil firms, leading officials on the islands to criticize the new Argentine shipping decree. “The Falkland Islands Government has every right to develop a hydrocarbons industry within our waters,” said the Falkland Island’s Legislative Assembly in a statement. “It is no surprise to anyone that Argentina is behaving in this way but it is nonetheless disappointing when they do.”

Even as the sovereignty dispute reheats, exploration in Argentina’s territory is on the horizon. Repsol, working with Argentine affiliate YPF, announced February 25 that exploration will begin roughly 200 miles from Ocean garden, but “well within Argentine waters.”

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    Friday, February 26, 2010

    Una maraviglia questo Barbiere alloa Tedesca!

    To fill the void left by La Divina I listened, for the first time in  its entirety a marvelous live performance of the Barber of Seville's La Scala Dec. 31, 1976 conducted by 'Thomas Schippers (we called him 'Tommy' as my friend Hilla Fischer, who had been Mitropolous's amanuensis, took him over after the death of the 'Maestro'--he had been the Maestro's disciple and understudy).  Two further significant features of the recording are the superb basso buffo Enzo Dara (Baccaloni's worthy successor) and Frederica von Stade as Rosina. (I heard her ina rehearsal of Clemenza de Tito at the Colon in Buenos Aires which was great because the perfrormance was cancelled due to a strike by the orchestra musicians.  That's BA,.  Basilio is the reliable Paolo Montarsolo and Ruggiero Raimondi, not yet famous, steps in from the sidelines to sing the relatively secondary role of Fiorello.  The live audience which comes to life with una ovazione briosa jumps in after every aria, as if wanting to especially reward the Germanic singers (Prey, von Stade) for their chutzpah of appearing at La Scala's New Year's eve performance in that most Italian of all Italian operas.  Michael Tree allwed that "Tommy', like himself, came from New Jersey where he was known as Tomashevsky.

    Thursday, February 25, 2010

    Message to Juan Mandelbaum



    - Show quoted text -
    Juan:  I know that you don't know--but I was going to ask if you would come with me to film an interview with 'El Caballo: as he was once called during his more 'romantic' days in the mountains.  The downside is that in working on my memoir these days I came upon that segment where I reflect on the number of shits a newspaperman, especially while working for a wire service like the UP, was condemned to interview -- and keep a straight face.  Do you know some of my roster?  Trujillo, Duvalier, Videla, Peron, Somoza and a German of highly dubious 'antecedentes' called Mandel, when I started out with the UP in BA.  Eso de lavarse las manos despues de haberlos saludado no te exonera.  Algo de la rogna queda==si no lavas la ropa con Roveda..........Tschuessss!

    onkel heinz 
     Reply
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    Wednesday, February 24, 2010

    Al Excmo. Sr. Don Boagle

    Saber perdonar es el primer escalon hacia el Paraiso (San Bartolomeo).  Comer bien con amistades es el segundo.  El tercero quedara suprimido en atencion al buen gusto que debe prevalecer en la comunicacion inalambrica.

    La proxima semana SERA (acento en la 'a') y espero que nosotros continuemos en contacto mediante esta maravilla del BLOG (palabra bastante fea pero facil de recordar)

    Saludos del Tio Hank (Heinz en Berlin, Quique en Santiago de Chile)

    Yes! Yes! Regret her pix did not show up. Good looking!


    The healing power of food

    ''Food has always been my lens and prism, my eye on the world,’’ writes Paula Butturini in “Keeping the Feast: One Couple’s Story of Love, Food, and Healing in Italy.’’ A former correspondent for UPI and the Chicago Tribune, Butturini lives in Paris with her husband, New York Times reporter John Tagliabue, and the couple’s 12-year-old daughter, Julia. Her memoir delves deeply into personal tragedy - Tagliabue was shot while covering the 1989 Romanian uprising and later suffered from crippling depression - while celebrating the role food and its pleasures played in her family’s recovery. Much of the drama takes place in Italy, where Butturini honed her skills as shopper, meal planner, and chef.
    Q. Why are family meals so important?
    A. I come from an Italian-American family where all discussions played out around the table. When you sat down to eat, everybody talked. You never ate alone. You were not allowed to read or do anything except be present. It was a time for the family to connect.
    Q. Isn’t that an impossible dream for most time-challenged Americans?
    A. Not impossible, just complicated. It’s only impossible if you don’t try. I like what Michelle Obama is doing to fight childhood obesity. If she can get people to sit down at the table with their families, it’s much healthier than wandering around at will, eating whenever they feel like it.
    Q. You have a child named Julia and a history with Julia Child. Explain.
    A. [Laughs] Julia happens to be a family name, although I did love reading Child’s cookbooks growing up. More than I liked cooking from them, actually. If I see a recipe with 20 ingredients, I’ll never make it. I cook more Mediterranean style, partly because while living in Italy I saw how simple great food could be. Small pieces of veal or chicken lightly sauteed with garlic and fresh herbs, a splash of wine: Done! That’s my kind of cooking.
    Q. It’s no exaggeration to say food helped save your sanity - and your marriage.
    A. That’s true. When John’s depression was at its worst, we lived near Rome’s Campo dei Fiori market. Every morning I’d get up early and walk to the Campo, where I’d talk to vendors and figure out what to make for breakfast, lunch, and dinner. I purposely only bought food for one day, because I wanted to go back the next. It was my way of not completely losing it.
    Q. VIP guests are coming for dinner. What might you serve?
    A. Probably a more elegant version of our basic meal, starting with homemade soup or pasta with lots of vegetables - tomato and eggplant sauce, or small zucchini sliced paper-thin and briefly turned in hot olive oil and garlic with a handful of parsley. Next, veal or chicken scaloppini, sauteed in olive oil, butter, salt and pepper, fresh herbs from my garden, and a splash of wine. A nice salad, a wedge of good cheese, some fruit - baked pears in red wine, perhaps - and, of course, a good piece of chocolate to finish. You can’t have a great meal without chocolate.
    Interview was condensed and edited.  

    Sunday, February 21, 2010

    Sunny Sunday mornings in D.C.


    show details 11:45 AM (0 minutes ago)
    So, we went to the Eastern Market yesterday which is a magnified version of our little farmer's market that operates Sundays from 10 am to 1pm --both the opening and closing marked by the sound of a huge gong--a few blocks away at Dupont Circle.  But while the Dupont market is pretty much what is now called 'upscale' ('bourgeoise pigs', in my days) the Eastern is for 'everybody' (erstwhile 'hoi poloi'); also they have a much wider variety of things like pickles, sausages from Argentina, dried fruit, nuts, etc.  And bakery goods at prices you wouldn't believe:  a NY rye for $1.10 instead of the $6.00 you have to pay at Dupont. Also for 60 cents I got a Hammentasche chock full of honeyed poppy seeds.
    Now you may wonder why I ordered the Berlin books at the Corner Bookstore when at Barnes & Noble they would give me a 20 per cent discount.  But if I did not support the local mom and pop store, what would I be?

    Para Boadle



    ---------- Forwarded message ----------
    From: 
    Joaquim Ibarz 
    Date: 2010/2/20
    Subject: Las presiones del periodista extranjero en Cuba
    To: Joaquim Ibarz

    Reporteros extranjeros en Cuba revelan presiones
      Por JUAN O. TAMAYO
    El Nuevo Herald
    MIAMI
    Una reportera española radicada en Cuba por cinco años escribió que "es raro el periodista que no suaviza sus reportajes para evitar ser expulsado del país''.
    Otro corresponsal radicado allí durante cuatro años escribió: "La autocensura es una práctica muy común''. Y también: "Nadie en la isla puede escribir la verdad de lo que pasa allí. Los corresponsales sólo pueden aproximarse a la realidad''.

    Juntos, los libros recientes de Isabel García-Zarza y Vicente Botín han sacado a la luz pública una dura realidad que los corresponsales extranjeros en Cuba sólo han admitido previamente en privado: que las fuertes presiones del gobierno los obligan regularmente a andarse con cuidado en cuanto a las historias delicadas.

    "El público extranjero está recibiendo una imagen de Cuba que está, por lo menos, minimizada'', afirmó García-Zarza desde España en una entrevista telefónica. "Pero siempre es mejor un 80 o 90 por ciento de la realidad que nada''.

    "Por supuesto que mis editores en España estaban perfectamente conscientes de lo que pasaba, pero para ellos era importante mantener un corresponsal en Cuba'', explicó Botín a El Nuevo Herald en otra llamada telefónica desde España.

    Autocensurarse para evitar ser expulsados ha sido siempre común entre los corresponsales extranjeros radicados en países con gobiernos represivos, desde el Irak de Saddam Hussein hasta la antigua Unión Soviética.

    Incluso en las democracias, "los corresponsales están conscientes de la presión para [. . .] que oculten información o la presenten de una manera que no ofenda sin necesidad a las fuentes'', indicó Ed Wasserman, quien enseña Etica Periodística en la Universidad Washington & Lee de Virginia.

    Pero, después de que se le leyeron varios pasajes de los dos libros españoles, Wasserman dijo que las presiones cubanas parecen haber obligado a los corresponsales a cruzar la línea de la discreción razonable.

    "Lo que ellos están diciendo en realidad es que el precio de su estancia en Cuba fue su inhabilidad de funcionar como periodistas'', comentó Wasserman. "Ellos se incapacitaron a sí mismos para poder permanecer allí''.

    Botín y García-Zarza no están de acuerdo y argumentan que los más o menos 150 corresponsales extranjeros radicados en Cuba escriben y transmiten historias que pueden disgustar al gobierno pero que son demasiado importantes como para poder evitarlas, como por ejemplo la salud de Fidel Castro, la represión contra los disidentes y el caos económico.

    Sus libros --el de ella, La Casa de Cristal, y el de él Los Funerales de Castro, ambos publicados en España a fines del año pasado-- brindan ejemplos de cómo escribieron historias delicadas a pesar de los esfuerzos del gobierno cubano por controlar su trabajo.

    Mientras escribía una historia sobre los disidentes, "no puedo abandonar cierta angustia, e incluso considero la posibilidad de abandonar la historia [. . .] pero luego decido que no puedo permitirles que me intimiden'', escribió García-Zarza, quien trabajó en Cuba para la agencia de noticias Reuters entre 1999 y el 2004.

    Cuando funcionarios cubanos ordenaron a todos los corresponsales en La Habana que no reportaran "ni una palabra'' luego de que Castro se desmayara durante un discurso en el 2001, ellos reportaron el evento de todas maneras, escribió ella.

    Pero en muchos de sus comentarios sobre su trabajo como corresponsales admitieron que también se plegaron a menudo a las presiones del gobierno cubano y su Centro de Prensa Internacional (CPI), el cual entrega las acreditaciones El CPI entrega además los papeles necesarios para que los corresponsales puedan adquirir artículos necesarios, tales como equipos de aire acondicionado, señaló García-Zarza, "y, por supuesto [. . .] no puedo evitar pensar en eso''.

    Los corresponsales creen firmemente que los agentes de Seguridad del Estado espían todo el tiempo sus teléfonos, casas y automóviles, y que los siguen a menudo.

    "A veces la vigilancia policial es deliberadamente indiscreta, para intimidar'', escribió Botín, quien fue corresponsal de Televisión Española en Cuba entre el 2005 y el 2008.

    Botín añadió que los agentes de la Seguridad también vigilan "las ideas políticas, las preferencias y sobre todo las debilidades, como drogas, sexo, alcohol y juego'' de los corresponsales.

    El sistema de presiones "funciona a la perfección. Uno se convierte en su propio censor'', escribió García-Zarza.

    Cuando Castro volvió a desmayarse durante el funeral de un simpatizante del gobierno el 16 de febrero del 2006, "nadie reportó nada'' debido a "las recomendaciones de la Seguridad del Estado'', según Botín.

    "La espada de Damocles cuelga de un delgado hilo sobre las cabezas de los corresponsales acreditados en la isla, y la más leve brisa puede hacerla caer'', escribió.

    García-Zarza señaló que su primer encontronazo con el CPI ocurrió después de que ella escribiera sobre la prohibición del gobierno de que los cubanos entraran a los hoteles turísticos. Una funcionaria del CPI la hizo venir al centro, y "como era la primera vez [. . .] ella jugó el papel de la hermana mayor que trata de abrir los ojos a su alocada hermana menor, quien no ha entendido todavía las dificultades que enfrenta la isla''.

    Pero luego de que una segunda historia fuera considerada demasiado crítica, la misma funcionaria la llamó por teléfono "gritándome cómo podía yo haberle hecho eso, que ella me lo había advertido, y que yo sabía muy bien que esto iba a traer consecuencias'', escribió. "Yo me eché a llorar desconsolada''.

    Una queja posterior del CPI fue enviada por correo electrónico al supervisor de García-Zarza en La Habana, diciendo: "Cuando ella ha llegado a este extremo, debería preguntarse a sí misma si es que ya ha agotado su utilidad en su puesto''.

    García-Zarza permaneció en Cuba hasta el final acordado de su misión, pero un corresponsal británico de Reuters en La Habana, Pascal Fletcher, fue obligado a irse en el 2001 después de que Castro atacara públicamente sus reportajes y el CPI dejó saber que no renovaría sus credenciales de prensa.

    "Supongo que no había alternativa, pero me duele mucho'' que Reuters aceptara enviar a Fletcher a otra parte, agregó ella. "Al final lo importante es mantener la puerta abierta. Después de tantos años, nosotros [Reuters] no podemos arriesgarnos a que nos expulsen ahora. . . No puedo decir que estoy orgullosa de cómo manejamos esta situación''.

    Más adelante en el libro, basándose en un diario que ella llevaba, escribió: "Han pasado un par de meses desde el [caso Fletcher], sólo cubriendo lo absolutamente necesario, teniendo el mayor cuidado con cada historia. Todos tenemos el miedo metido en los huesos. Hasta el punto en que, cada vez que escribimos algo, nos preguntamos unos a otros si ‘les va a gustar a ellos' ''.

    Unos 150 medios de prensa extranjera están acreditados actualmente por el CPI, desde CNN y la Associated Press, con sede en Estados Unidos, hasta periódicos y cadenas de Europa, Asia y América Latina.

    Editores de tres medios de prensa que tienen o tenían corresponsales en Cuba no quisieron hacer declaraciones para esta historia, y lo mismo hizo Fletcher. The Miami Herald y El Nuevo Herald, quienes durante varios años no han recibido el permiso de Cuba para reportar desde allí, han enviado reporteros a la isla como turistas sin acreditaciones del CPI.

    Alberto González, portavoz de la misión diplomática cubana en Washington, dijo que él no había leído los libros de los periodistas españoles, pero les restó importancia, diciendo que formaban parte "de una moda de escribir libros sobre Cuba para hacer dinero. Si ellos escribieran la verdad sobre Cuba, los libros no se publicarían, y por eso ellos tienen que mentir''.

    "Ellos no se hubieran quedado tanto tiempo en Cuba si los hubieran perseguido con tanta fuerza'', añadió.

    Las regulaciones del CPI le permiten cancelar las acreditaciones de los corresponsales "cuando la persona acreditada lleva a cabo acciones que son impropias o incompatibles con sus. . . obligaciones de trabajo, y cuando se considera que ellos han violado la ética periodística y/o no han mantenido la objetividad''.

    González dijo que la fórmula es la misma que la que se usa en muchos países europeos, en especial, España. "Lo único que hemos exigido es que ellos se atengan a la verdad y a la objetividad'', dijo.

    No obstante, el gobierno de Castro ha expulsado a muchos corresponsales o se ha negado a renovar sus acreditaciones desde 1959. Los últimos tres casos ocurrieron en el 2007 e incluyeron a Gary Marx, de The Chicago Tribune, quien había permanecido como corresponsal en Cuba desde el 2002.

    "Es absolutamente cierto que existe la autocensura en Cuba'', declaró Marx a El Nuevo Herald. "Pero cada corresponsal toma su propia decisión en cuanto a cómo maneja las presiones del gobierno. Yo traté de cubrir la historia sin concesiones lo mejor que pude''.

    Marx lo hizo así, y el CPI le notificó a principios del 2007 que tenía 90 días para abandonar el país.

    "Ellos me dijeron que mis historias eran demasiado negativas, y que ‘creemos que nos irá mejor con otra persona' '', o sea, otro corresponsal cuyas historias les molestaran menos.

    "Claro que la autocensura es algo común en Cuba'', añadió Tracey Eaton, corresponsal de The Dallas Morning News en La Habana entre el 2000 y el 2005.

    "Los reporteros hacen concesiones todo el tiempo a cambio de tener acceso. Pero en Cuba la situación es más dramática'', precisó Eaton. "Cuba es un lugar duro de cubrir, un lugar duro para trabajar. Puede hacerse opresivo''.

    La Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa reportó en noviembre que el CPI había reforzado su control sobre los corresponsales y había demorado durante meses la renovación de las acreditaciones como un modo de presionar a los extranjeros.

    Mientras que el libro de García-Zarza se centra en sus experiencias personales en Cuba, el de Botín brinda una mirada detallada y sin censura a la realidad cubana, desde la pobreza de sus habitantes hasta su caótica economía y los defectos de su sistema de salud y educación.

    Botín escribió parte del libro en secreto mientras vivía en La Habana, pero lo terminó después de haber salido de allí porque, según observó: "Nadie puede decir desde dentro de la isla la verdad sobre lo que pasa allí. Los corresponsales sólo pueden aproximarse a la realidad por medio de alusiones y metáforas''.

    Cuba, agregó, "no es el mundo feliz que proyectan los medios de prensa''.


    Friday, February 19, 2010

    Article sent by Joaquin Ibarz, Spain's most enduring correspondent in Latin America

    Publicado en "El País" de hoy.

    Javier Aguirre y el "México que se jodió"

    El director técnico mexicano genera polémica al criticar la inseguridad y anunciar que debido a la misma no vivirá en el país

    GABRIELA WARKENTIN (*)
    18/02/2010

     

    La ecuación es casi predecible: 'personaje público y popular' + 'declaración controvertida' = 'escándalo seguro'. El respetable se alborota, la comentocraciase desborda: las pasiones nunca se hacen esperar.

    Revisemos lo sucedido. Javier Aguirre, otra vez entrenador de la selección Mexicana de Fútbol (y en su momento del Osasuna, del Atlético de Madrid, del Pachuca, etcétera), habló, tocó fibras y nos obligó a vernos en diferentes espejos.
     
    En una entrevista, hace unos días, para la Cadena SER, Aguirre comentó la situación de inseguridad que se vive en México; contundente, soltó un repetido "jodido" para calificar lo que aquí se vive (las inundaciones, puntualizó, pero sobre todo la delincuencia y la violencia); matizó al declarar "¡hombre!, no es Haití"; se refirió a la supuesta tranquilidad de hace décadas, cuando los malos se mataban entre ellos, pero dejaban en paz a la sociedad; y sentenció que al terminar el Mundial 2010, regresará a Europa, como sea, porque vivir en México "¡no!". Habló también de la Selección mexicana para ubicarnos en la realidad de sus alcances. Y, bueno, de la radio española a los medios mexicanos: el trecho terminó siendo corto para encender la mecha de las pasiones.
     
    Reacciones ha habido muchas. Entre las airadas están desde quienes mientan la progenitora de Javier Aguirre, le exigen que se largue ya, lo tildan de malinchista(genérico para nombrar al mexicano que ama lo extranjero), le recuerdan que de por sí hace mucho no vive en el país (reside en Miami y parte de su familia en España), le restriegan los millones que recibe, y un montón de linduras más. Entre quienes se dedican al turismo salen reclamos contra Aguirre: "sus palabras no ayudan a reactivar la imagen del país, ¡joder!" (ésta se convierte en la palabra de cambio).
     
    También hay reacciones de apoyo, o que secundan lo dicho: voces que reclaman la hipocresía de quienes se enojan ("¡a poco no todos nos iríamos de México si pudiéramos!"). Un estudiante recuerda una conferencia de hace algunos meses en que un profesor preguntaba quiénes se irían de México si pudieran, y sólo dos personas no levantaron la mano. Algunos reconocen la sinceridad de Javier al expresar lo que tantos sienten. Por ahí otro más sentencia: ¡ya vámonos todos, el último que apague la luz! Y sí, otro montón de linduras más.
     
    Javier Aguirre es un personaje que me cae bien, por sus logros, sin duda, pero sobre todo por su forma de ser: directa, casi bronca. Y sin duda lo que dijo en la entrevista radiofónica refleja no sólo lo que muchísimos mexicanos sienten o piensan, sino también algo de lo que sucede en el país. Yo misma, en éstas y otras páginas, he sido profundamente crítica con el rumbo que está tomando México, con la violencia que se nos contagia a diario. No puedo negar la tragedia de los millones de jóvenes que han visto cancelado ya no su futuro, sino el presente mismo, ante la imposibilidad de trabajar o estudiar. Sigo señalando el peligro que implica la polarización extrema (en temas políticos, sociales, morales) que se atiza a la menor provocación. Recuerdo las tareas pendientes en materia de calidad y cobertura de la educación, de densidad y participación ciudadanas, de democracia comunicativa, de reconocimiento y celebración de las diferencias. Temo la embestida conservadora que se deja sentir cada día más y amenaza con cancelar los avances logrados en reconocimiento de derechos. En fin, yo misma podría decir que mucho de lo que pasa en México ¡está jodido! (para ponerme a tono con la expresión en turno). Pero algún prurito me recuerda que, con todo, Javier Aguirre es Javier Aguirre, entrena a la Selección Mexicana y sus palabras tienen el peso de su innegable proyección simbólica.
     
    No hagamos, sin embargo, una tormenta en un vaso con agua. Más allá del tono un poco condescendiente y de cierta arrogancia, con que Aguirre dijo lo que dijo -chocante para nuestra a veces muy delicada sensibilidad nacional-, y sí, sin olvidar que hace menos de un año acompañó al Presidente Calderón en el lanzamiento de la campaña Vive México para reactivar la industria turística mexicana, reconozcamos que en lo dicho se reflejan verdades y percepciones que son las que debemos atender. Nombrar las cosas no implica crearlas, si acaso hacerlas visibles. Y no nombrarlas tampoco implica desaparecerlas, si acaso reprimirlas.
     
    Cuando los famosos hablan, las palabras resuenan. Recordemos el escándalo de hace apenas unos días, al twittear el colombiano Juanes una especie de clave del supuesto Blackberry del venezolano Hugo Chávez (ingeniosamente encriptada como H1J0D3PU7A). La herida fue tal que incluso a los simples mortales que en algún momento re-twitteamos el episodio, nos fue como en feria. Por eso las palabras y el tono de Javier Aguirre importan. Por quien es, por lo que representa y porque lo que vivimos en México no es juego de niños: es una realidad dolorosa y sentida. Aunque si lo expresado ayuda a que se acentúe la conciencia de que somos los mismos mexicanos los que debemos poner manos a la obra y seguir trabajando para que los intríngulis se desanuden y los escenarios se clarifiquen, bienvenido sea.
     
    Lo sé, lo sé... suena ingenuo esto último que escribí, pero, ni modo, soy de las que quieren seguir viviendo en México, con todo y lo que se jodió. Así que, Javier, muy a la mexicana: ¡no nos ayudes compadre! O, bueno, ayúdanos un poco más.
     

    (*) Directora del Departamento de Comunicación de la Universidad Iberoamericana, Ciudad de México; Defensora del Televidente de Canal 22; conductora de radio y TV; articulista.

    Thursday, February 18, 2010

    '¡Malvinas, Malvinas!

    I believe it happened in the mid-90s, during one of my visits to Buenos Aires.  I was shaving early in the morning when I heard a news broadcast stating that an Argentine army detachment had landed in St. George's Island, in a kind of archipelago near the Falkland Islands, near the South Pole.  The broadcast then turned to London where it was announced that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was sending a fleet Southward to protect the islands.  I  was shaving at the time and it occurred to me that this sounded like an echo from 19th Century gunboat politics that had long been laid to rest.  How wrong I was.  No sooner did the news spread in Buenos Aires that people began to rally behind the government.  Soon a mass demonstration assembled in the Plaza de Mayo to chant its support of the military triumvirate headed by General Galtieri, a habitual drunk.  The irony was that the night before the same plaza had witnessed another massive demonstration, only this one demanded the resignation of the military junta and a return to civilian rule.  Overnight, this was forgotten and public attention was centered on some ice covered islands populated by2,000 descendants of Welsh sheep growers who populate the islands.

    I promptly got a call from Susan Stannberg of National Public Radio who asked if I might do a live broadcast on the conflict later that afternoon.  I said I would try and interview some people in and out of government.  The first one who came to mind was Roberto Alemann, an old friend who was recently appointed Minister of Finance.  He is the son of the founder and publisher of the Argentinisches Tageblatt, which had the distinction of being the only German-languqge daily in Latin America and was a stanch opponent of the Nazi regime.  My other source was Oscar Camilion, who had been minister of Foreign Relations and Defense of previous Peronist and other military governments, having once served as deputy foreign minister under Arturo Frondizi.  He was also a great music lover with whom I had shared a box at the Teatro  Colon the years I was in B.A. as NYT correspondent.

    I decided to call on some of my political contacts.  One of them, Roberto Aleman, an old friend , had recently been named minister of Finance, 1971?The Falklands War (Spanish: Guerra de las Malvinas/Guerra del Atlántico Sur), also called the Falklands Conflict/Crisis, was fought in 1982 between Argentina and the United Kingdom (UK) over the disputedFalkland Islands and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. The Falkland Islands consist of two large and many small islands in the South Atlantic Ocean east of Argentina; their name and sovereignty over them have long been disputed.
    The Falklands War started on Friday, 2 April 1982 with the Argentine invasion and occupation of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia, and ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982. The war lasted 74 days, and resulted in the deaths of 255 British and 649 Argentine soldiers, sailors, and airmen, and three civilian Falklanders. It is the most recent conflict to be fought by the UK without any allied states and the only Argentine war since the 1880s.The conflict was the result of a protracted diplomatic confrontation regarding the sovereignty of the islands. Neither state officially declared war and the fighting was largely limited to the territories under dispute and the South Atlantic. The initial invasion was characterised by Argentina as the re-occupation of its own territory, and by the UK as an invasion of a British dependent territory.Britain launched a naval task force to engage the Argentine Navy and Argentine Air Force, and retake the islands by amphibious assault. The British eventually prevailed and at the end of combat operations on 14 June the islands remained under British control. However, as of 2010[6] and as it has since the 19th century, Argentina shows no sign of relinquishing its claim. The claim remains in the Argentine constitutionafter its reformation in 1994.[7]The political effects of the war were strong in both countries. A wave of patriotic sentiment swept through both: the Argentine loss prompted even larger protests against the ruling military government, which hastened its downfall; in the United Kingdom, the government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was bolstered. It helped Thatcher's government to victory in the 1983 general election, which prior to the war was seen as by no means certain. The war has played an important role in the culture of both countries, and has been the subject of several books, films, and songs. The cultural and political weight of the conflict has had less effect on the British public than on that of Argentina, where the war is still a topic of discussion.[8]

    Wednesday, February 17, 2010

    Fwd: Eureka!

    ---------- Forwarded message ----------
    From: Henry Raymont 
    Date: Wed, Feb 17, 2010 at 12:03 PM
    Subject: Re: Eureka!
    To: Juan Mandelbaum


    Por si aun no te he contestado, porque pareciera que estos dias ando un poco en 'la luna' (must be all that snow) pero para dejar las cosas claras (pero el chocolate oscuro), 'Tintenkuli' son pelotudos como yo que esperan ganarse la vida escribiendo.  As you may gather, the word was framed in another epoch, when writers still used pen and ink (and had more time to think about what they might put down on paper).
    Me tienta mucho la idea de viajar a Buenos Aires, especialmente para la 're=inauguracion' del Colon.  It was there, without a doubt, that I spent some of my happiest (and emotionally rewarding) time in Argentina.  No te puedes imaginar, como dirian los portenios, las horas que me pasaba entre ensayos y funciones, mientras que en la UP pensaban que andaba tras las grandes noticias politicas.  These, ironically, would pracitcally fall into my lap, as, for instance, my first interview with Peron during an interval at the Funcion de Gala del 25 de mayo in 1944 or 45, must check).

    It was there, in the Salon Presidencial, that I collared Peron who was baffled and amused to have a teen-age reporter from the UP, the agency he despised as La Prensa's chief provider, display the churtzpah of coming up to him during the intermission (notice that in the above paragraph I wrote 'interval', undoubtedly a subconscious tribute to your origins) to seek an interview.  He gave me one but then he called over to a stocky man whom he introduced as "Don Miguel Miranda, presidente del Instituto Argentino para la Promocion del Intercambio (IAPI) and said:  "Miguel, quiero que le des a este joven una entrevista mensual, asi informa al exterior los esfuerzos que realizamos para dar a conocer nuestros productos....."  And did he ever.

    One day I shall tell you in detail how this encounter led to my leaving Argentina (I could not wait to do that) on the inaugural flight of Scandinavian Airlines (SAS), to land in Oslo late in December, 1947, to get interviews with a bunch of Quislings whom some genius Director de Migraciones (Santiago M Peralta) chose to bring to Argentina 'to improve our race".  You can understand why the Miranda statement (of a radically different nature than the US brand) got me my first bylined front page headlines in the NY Herald Tribune and the left-wing afternooner, PM.  It also got me a passport.  I may tell you that story next time.

    Agur,

    Onkel Hank

    2010/2/16 Juan Mandelbaum 
    Lieber Onkel,


    Creo que habia una tinta Tintenkuli cuando yo era niño y aun se usaban los tinteros...  Acabo de volver de la India, adonde pase esta pelicula en un festival en Mumbai.  Eso si que es un quilombo.  Buenos Aires parece Brookline en comparacion.  Pero fascinante.  Y a los indios les pego muy fuerte la pelicula.  Al salir uno por uno me daban la mano y me miraban a los ojos, sin decir nada.  Me conmovio mucho.

    Lehrer como en Jim Lehrer?  Dejame saber que les parecio despues.

    ¿Viste "The White Ribbon".   Me interesa mucho tu opinion.  Y no te pierdas "The Most Dangerous Man in America" sobre Daniel Ellsberg.  ¿Adonde estara un nuevo Ellsberg?  Lo necesitamos para parar estas guerras absurdas.  Los jovenes no se van a mover porque no hay colimba...

    Abrazos a los dos,

    Johannes





    On Feb 16, 2010, at 12:29 PM, Henry Raymont wrote:

    Mr. Almondtree:

    Aparecio el apreciado video que Ud. alguna vez gentilmente nos enviara.  Indeed we are planning an afternoon with the Lehrers and Kovaches to view it again.  As you know, both Wendy and I regard it a masterpiece.  Y lo digo con la objetividad que caracteriza a mi profesion, no obstante los envidiosos, politicos mordaces, cipayos mendaces que nos descartan como meros Tintenkulis (sustantivo que tiene su origen en una casta de mendigos en China y nada que ver con la parte trasera de nuestra anatomia.

    Hochachtungsvoll, Ihr




    Monday, February 15, 2010

    Jacqueline Thalberg

    Can use anybody and everybody's help to connect with Jacqueline Thalberg in Vienna.  I urge anybody with the necessary computer ability to send her tghe following message:

    Greetings from Washington, D.C. where I first came in 1950 and was privileged to count your father as one of my first good friends. If I remember correctly, he was then press attache. Along with two other journalists, Werner Immhoof of the Neue Zuericher and Henry Tanner, another Swiss, then of the Houston Post, we were among the 'groupies; of Georgetown--and the State Department where we would attend the daily 'noon briefings' which meant a long poker game until about 13:30. What differentiates those days from the present, among other things, is the size of the foreign press corps. In those days we were hardly more than one or two dozen. I represented the United Press and another European Jew, Andre Marton, was my AP counterpart. When he died, less than a year ago, he was the father-in-law of Ambassador Holbrook. Eine kleine und komische welt. I remember your father very fondly not only because he helped me feel at home in Washington but also because of his wonderful sense of humor, something not so common among the European diplomats. More and more my field became Latin America, a subject I taught during five years at the Freie Universitaet in Berlin. My wife Wendy worked their with Transparency International. Most of all we enjoyed the rich (and affordable) music life, spiced, of course, by the presence of my semi-compatriot Daniel Barenboim. He still misses Buenos Aires, as I do as well. That was before (and after Washington when I went b ack as the New York Times correspondent. So dieses ist nicht als Artikel gemeint sondern als ein 'message' that I hope will receive a response. Hochachtungsvoll con un abrazo, Henry Raymont 2500 Q Street, N.W.

    Saturday, February 13, 2010

    Valenzuela's inaugural statement--hope I have not already blogged it



    Latin America, Spain, and the U.S.: Strengthening Transatlantic Partnerships
    Prepared by Alejandra Mejia and Richard André
    February 2, 2010
    Keynote Speakers:
    • Hon. Arturo Valenzuela, Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, United States
    • H.E. Agustín Carstens, Governor, Banco de México
    • H.E. Roberto Henríquez, Minister, Ministry of Commerce and Industry of Panama
    • H.E. Juan Pablo de Laiglesia, Secretary of State for Ibero-America, Ministry of External Relations and Cooperation, Spain
    • H.E. Luis Guillermo Plata, Minister of Trade, Industry and Tourism of Colombia
    • H.E. Teresa Ribera, Secretary of State for Climate Change, Ministry of the Environment and Rural and Marine Affairs, Spain
    • Hon. Sérgio Cabral, Governor, Government of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
    • Hon. Enrique Iglesias, General Secretary, Ibero-American General Secretariat (SEGIB)
    • Richard Peach, Senior Vice President, Macroeconomic and Monetary Studies Function, Federal Reserve Bank of New York
    • Javier Santiso, Director, OECD Development Center
    PanelStrengthening Transatlantic Partnerships: the Role of Investment in the New Decade
    • Rafael Díaz-Granados, President and CEO, Spain and Portugal, General Electric
    • Ricardo Martínez Rico, President and Chief Executive Officer, Equipo Económico
    • Patricia Menendez-Cambo, Chair, International Practice Group, Greenberg Traurig, LLP
    • Claudio Muñoz, Executive President, Telefónica Empresas América
    • José Juan Ruiz, Deputy Director, America Division, Grupo Santander
    • Santiago Roura, Executive Vice President of Operations, INDRA
    • Moderator: Susan Segal, President & CEO, Americas Society and Council of the Americas
    Summary 

    The Americas Society and Council of the Americas hosted their first conference in Madrid, Spain, entitled “Latin America, Spain, and the U.S.: Strengthening Transatlantic Partnerships,” on February 2, 2010. The conference, co-organized with the Ibero-American General Secretariat (SEGIB), explored the strong cultural ties and significant investment relations between Latin America, Spain, and the United States. Presentation focused on current economic and political issues in the Western Hemisphere. In addition, speakers discussed the prospects for greater economic integration in the telecommunications, infrastructure, finance and energy sectors, as well as economic opportunities and challenges for 2010.
    “Less talking, more listening”

    SEGIB’s Secretary General Enrique V. Iglesias, who provided the opening and closing remarks for the conference, voiced optimism about the future of transatlantic relations. He said that Latin America is weathering the economic crisis much better than in the past. Iglesias embraced the U.S. policy towards Latin America, which he described as “less pretentious, more realistic; less talking more listening.” He ended his remarks on a positive note, saying that the economic and social future of Latin America is bright.

    Spain’s Secretary of State Juan Pablo de Laiglesia emphasized the need to strengthen the bonds between the three transatlantic actors. He envisioned a new era of relations based on international issues such as economy, trade, security, energy, climate change, and the participation of civil society. A change in perspective and attitude between the United States, the European Union, and Latin America can ultimately change the political landscape, facilitating cooperation and progress within and among all three, he said.

    U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Arturo Valenzuela recognized that, over the course of history, the U.S. commitment to its neighbors has often been “sporadic and intermittent.” But time has come, he said, to reaffirm that there are common vital interests in the Americas that must be addressed strategically. He highlighted Washington’s firm pledge to fight organized crime alongside several governments in the region while recognizing U.S. co-responsibility on issues such as arms trafficking, narcotics consumption and money laundering while emphasizing the U.S.’s crucial role in Haiti and Honduras’ recent crises. Dr. Valenzuela said that, although trade is a vital, it is not sufficient and he called for more investment in infrastructure and education.
    Economic Outlook: Latin America and the United States

    Mexico’s Central Bank Governor Agustín Carstens presented his outlook for the Mexican economy. He said that, although the United States exerts a strong magnetic force on Mexican trade, it is imperative that his country establishes stronger agreements with the European Union, Latin America, and other untapped markets. He shared Iglesias’ optimism about the future. With regard to Mexico, he spoke of a multi-sector recovery with strong exports, modest consumption and growth in public investment, which will balance the drop in last year’s private investment. The Mexican economy is expected to grow 4 percent this year with creation of 350,000 jobs, he said.

    Javier Santiso, director of the Organization for Economic Cooperation (OECD) Development Centre, discussed the differences in development trends between Latin America and OECD countries over the past half-century. He explained that, up until 1980, Latin America and OECD countries grew in tandem at about 3.3 percent per year. In light of the most recent downturn, Latin America remains a very important partner to OECD countries, with trade flowing in from the United States and Spain amounting to $244 billion. Looking ahead, the region is ready to avoid a new recession trap by consolidating growth in the medium and long terms.

    Richard Peach of the New York Federal Reserve gave an overview of the U.S. economic outlook. Peach argued that, since 2008, financial conditions have greatly improved. While the growth of real GDP in 2009 was stronger than expected, the condition of the labor market and the level of unemployment were worse than expected. As 2010 begins, growth of real GDP is likely to remain below the economy’s potential growth rate. The unemployment rate will be even slower to change and will hover at or around 10 percent for most—if not all—of the year. Ultimately, the U.S. economy is steadily recovering. However, it will take years for employment rates to reach pre-recession levels.
    Climate Change, Trade, and Growth

    Addressing the challenge of climate change, Secretary of State Teresa Ribera made a call to strengthening transatlantic partnerships as a way to fight the effects of global warming. The relationship between the United State, Spain, and Latin America is central to achieving the global goals to reduce carbon emissions. To succeed, she said, it is necessary to combine domestic policies, carbon markets, and international public financing. This transformation will bring new benefits, including investment opportunities, new markets, and job creation.

    Along these lines, both Ministers Luis Guillermo Plata of and Roberto Henríquez discussed investment opportunities in Colombia and Panama, respectively. Minister Plata was optimistic about President Obama’s recent comments regarding efforts to move forward on trade agreements with Colombia, Panama. and South Korea. He also voiced confidence about completion of the EU trade agreement with Colombia and Peru. Minister Henríquez also voiced optimism about progress on the stalled U.S.-Panama trade deal and noted Panama signed trade agreements with five countries in Central America as well as Singapore, Chile, Taiwan, and Canada.
    Strengthening Transatlantic Partnerships: the Role of Investment in the New Decade

    In a roundtable moderated by Susan Segal, panelists discussed the role of investment over the role of the next ten years, with senior level executives representing the private sector in Spain, Latin America, and the United States. José Juan Ruiz of Santander’s Americas Division said Latin America holds a more solid position than any other region in the world. Despite the differences within the region, Santander is betting on increasing its business by tapping on the 60 percent of the population that has no access to financial services.

    Ricardo Martínez Rico of Equipo Económico discussed Spanish investment in the United States and Latin America. He said Spain has become a global player in the international scene and one of the main international investors. He added that Spain’s largest and more internationalized firms are overcoming the global economic and financial crisis with the aid of investments abroad, particularly in Latin America. Moreover, General Electric’s Rafael Díaz-Granados talked about the important role of innovation in Spain, Latin America, and the United States. Also, Greenberg Traurig’s Patricia Menendez-Cambo discussed mergers and acquisitions, explaining that, for the first time, Latin American companies are buying U.S. companies. Furthermore, Claudio Muñoz from Telefónica said that Latin America “is not a promise but a reality in terms of growth” and mentioned how mobile market penetration is almost at 100 percent in the region—greater than in the United States and several European countries. Finally, Indra’s Santiago Roura emphasized that investing in Latin American human capital is key to enhancing innovation and growth. 

    Huesch: The Baritone

    When I glorify certain artists of 'my generation' as unique and incomparable, Wendy, my young wife, is apt to caution me, noting that ,sooner or later, someone from the 'new generation' comes along to equal or even top them.  Now I am listening to Gerard Huesch, that, yes, incomparable baritone with just the right voice, diction, enunciation and emotional range to do justice to his exhaustive repertory of Schubert, Schumann and Brahms.  There is a history behind my conviction:  today's conservatories no longer can rely on a tradition that goes back to great teachers like Schumann-Heink, Lotte Lehmann and List.  The only one who stands out, as far as I know, is Discher Fieskau, and though he reflects an impeccable schooling, which to his credit he passes on to scores of voice students in extensive seminars, even he does not possess the different timbres and nuances that Huesch reveals in his Schoene Muellerin, Winterreise and Schwanengesang........I hope Immanuel Wilheim sees this and sends us his learned comment.  Not to mention Marilu's conceivably sarcastic comment on the German (vs. Italian and French) school......

    Friday, February 12, 2010

    From the loose pages of an illustrated Havana Diary febrero/1961

    Written in the main cell of the G-2 at 14 y Quinta, in the Marianao district of Havana:

    Fri/Sat (no date but it had to have been the middle of April

    At 1am the 39th inmate arrived.  The atmosphere in the brig again one of comforting hilarity.  Some 15 (pesos) collected by the 'cooperative' as well as 4 packages of English cigarettes.  A new stream of Rebsoldiers arrived to use the bathroom during the time we were 24 upstairs n smaller room who had spent four days without bathing.  the Havana Riviera--only the maid service missing.

    When another officers arrived one voice exclaimed:  "Frankly, I wouldn't be surprised if Fidel himself arrived to piss".

    Another page:

    Within the framework a profound social revolution, what has been happening (Bay of Pigs) the security measures may be considered normal.  How to reconcilliate (sic) these two sharply divergent views and approach objective reality without subjective or ideological (cultural) distortions is perhaps the most agonizing task of a foreign correspondent covering the Cuban scene.  Constantly one examines initial reactions, weighs them until they are free  of any cultural prejudices.  Then they must be placed in a local context based on past experiences drawn from the same historical setting.  

    Postnote:  It is to be noted that I was a student of David Bidney, who in turn was a student of Ernst Cassirer, Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict--arguably the most advanced school of cultural anthropology.

    'Cuba 10 years later' written 40 years ago in Jerusalem

    Suppose this is what Sarah would want me to 'post' on Blog:

    JERUSALEM--On April 22, 1961, two officers of the Cuban Rebel Army led me out of the military intelligence headquarters (G-2) in the Marianao suburb of Havana across a gravel path toward a guarded gate where the Brazilian ambassador's black limousine was waiting to take me to the safety of the embassy residence.  Shouts of 'Paredon! Paredon! (the execution wall) were still in my ears as I sank into the spacious back seat, wondering if I was finally returning to reality after the nightmaere that begtan with my arrest six days earlier, the night of the Bay of Pigs landing.

    The shouts, which sometimes had an eerily good-natured quality about it, came from the young militiamen with tousseled hair loafing on the stoops of the squat, bile-green stone building, and playfully pointing their  submachine guns at me.  It was also a refrain I had heard each time I was taken from my cell across a courtyard to the grimy officers quarter for another interrogation and it has remained with me with the persistence of a chorus of an often-heard Greek tragedy, partly theater, partly gthe poignant memory or even symbol of a pervasive human condition:  the breakdown of social order.

    I had heard the popular revolutionary chant resounding in the vast Plaza Marti from hundreds of thousand voices each time Fidel Castro invoked the names of Cuba's enemies in the same cadence and seemingly as cheerfully and without a trace of malice as when they intoned "Fidel, Fidel,"--and I had heard it from the young militiamen guarding prisoners at the revolutionary tribunals in the lugubrious La Cabana prison where the words became a dreaded reality when the bullets of the firing squad crashed into the bodies of prisoners only hours after their death sentences were pronounced.

    (will look for the rest--I know there's more for it is the introduction to a talk I gave at Hebrew University)

    Thursday, February 11, 2010

    Gulliver's Challenge

    To walk through the  snow gulleys and gulches of Washington requires both huge snowshoes and outsized legs.  We slushed our way to and from a pizzeria.  La Divina insisted on pizza instead of enjoying a civilized meal at Pesce.  The pizza I must admit was quite good.  And we managed to stop at Pain Cotideien to acquire a supply of sweets.  So now we can have a decent tea this afternoon and croissants for breakfast tomorrow.  And now, to work.

    Pace, bella pace......

    As one looks into our yard it is easy to imagine a Polarscape...endless waves of snow.  Right now we have a bright blue sky and sunshine gloriously bathing the snow.  What a sight.........and here comes Wendy with the morning tea........hasta luego......

    onkel heinz @ home 

    Wednesday, February 10, 2010

    Me parece bastante acertado.......ya es hora!..

    The Failed War on Drugs in Latin America

    Could Decriminalization Be the Answer?

    By Jens Glüsing

    The massacre in Ciudad Juarez at the end of January made it clear that Mexico is losing the war on drugs. Narcotics-related violence is on the rise in other Latin American cities as well. An increasing number of voices are demanding that drugs be decriminalized.

    The killers arrived in four or five SUVs. They quickly blocked off the road to Salvárcar, a working-class neighborhood of Ciudad Juarez, where 60 students were attending a birthday party.

    The intruders, armed with automatic weapons, opened fire on the revelers. Sixteen people died in the hail of bullets two weekends ago. Most of them were adolescents between the ages of 15 and 19, and many were athletes, members of a local baseball team. One of them, José Adrián Encina, had only recently been named the best student in his class.


    It was the bloodiest weekend of the year to date in the notorious Mexican border city: Forty-three people died a violent death. According to the government, the massacre was related to feuds within the drug trade, but the families of the victims say that most were innocent students.

    Other Mexican cities have also been rocked by violence in recent days. Seven bodies were found in the southwestern city of Iguala. The victims suffocated when the murderers wrapped their mouths and noses in strapping tape. In Quiroga in southwestern Mexico, the police chief and two officers were shot, while several plastic bags containing body parts were found in nearby Zitácuaro.

    Seven Murders a Day

    Mexico's drug war is becoming more and more brutal. President Felipe Calderón has deployed 45,000 soldiers and federal police in the government's fight against the drug mafia, and 5,000 of them patrol the streets of Ciudad Juarez alone.

    Despite the government's stepped-up efforts, the death toll continues to rise. Before Calderón came into office in December 2006, an average of two people a day died a violent death in the border city. By 2008, the daily death toll had risen to five, and last year the murder rate in Ciudad Juarez was up to seven people a day. Since 2007, more than 15,000 people have died in Mexico's drug wars.

    Meanwhile, the drug business is booming. In 2009, Mexico became the world's second-largest marijuana producer, with poor, small farmers switching from corn and beans to cannabis. Frustrated government officials are convinced that they have already lost the drug war.

    It is a defeat that affects all of Latin America, where the drug mafia is gaining ground from Tierra del Fuego to the Rio Grande. In the former Colombian cocaine capital Medellín, which was considered "pacified" seven years ago after a bloody military campaign, the murder rate was up again last year, to more than 1,800 people. According to the government, most were victims of drug wars between what it calls "mini-cartels." The Shining Path terrorist organization is making a comeback in neighboring Peru, now that it has marched into the cocaine trade.

    Drug Dealer Vendettas

    By the end of 2008, the amount of farmland devoted to growing coca in Bolivia increased by almost 11 percent since the country's populist President Evo Morales took office. And in Argentina, gangs of dealers carry out their vendettas in the suburbs of Buenos Aires. The gangsters are becoming increasingly bold and brutal. In Rio de Janeiro, which was chosen for the 2016 Summer Olympics, they recently shot down a police helicopter, and criminals control more than 300 slums there.

    An entire generation of young Latin Americans is dying in the killing fields of the drug war. Many are hardly more than children, and most are poor and dark-skinned. Those who survive often end up in overcrowded prisons, which the drug mafia also controls.

    "They are schools of crime," warns Rubem César Fernandes, director of the respected Brazilian aid organization Viva Rio. "The war against drugs can no longer be won with suppression."

    Latin American governments spend billions of dollars a year to battle the drug cartels. In Mexico and Colombia, the armed forces have been deployed in the drug war, and for decades the United States has provided generous military assistance to South America. Nevertheless, the economic strength of the cartels remains unbroken. They have corrupted police officers and soldiers, bought off politicians and judges and even subverted entire countries, like Guatemala, Colombia and Mexico.

    Indeed, three respected former presidents have declared the Washington-supported drug war to be a failure. Former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo and former Colombian President César Gaviria now say they support the controlled decriminalization of narcotics.

    Growing Number of Addicts

    This form of liberalization is already being pursued across the Atlantic in the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Portugal, where drug use has not increased as a result of the lax laws. In the large Latin American countries, on the other hand, the number of addicts is growing.

    In Mexico, the congress repealed a law last year that had criminalized the possession of small amounts of narcotics. In Argentina, the country's highest court has paved the way for the decriminalization of drug use. And in Brazil, where the possession of narcotics for personal use is permitted, Viva Rio and former President Henrique Cardoso have fashioned a cross-party alliance to support proposed legislation that would define permitted amounts of narcotics.

    As it stands now, it is up to the police to decide whether someone they have arrested is a user or a drug dealer. "Light-skinned, middle-class Brazilians are released in return for bribes, while blacks from the Favelas are treated as dealers and end up in prison," says university Professor Jorge da Silva, a former captain in the military police and a former minister of security for the federal state of Rio de Janeiro.

    Da Silva's former jobs involved fighting drug gangsters in the slums of Rio. "I was geared toward suppression," he says. Today he supports government control of the production and sale of narcotics, "the way it was done with alcohol in the United States after Prohibition had failed in the 1930s." Da Silva points out that the government could tax drugs, which would "deprive the drug mafia of its source of income."

    'Break Apart This Alliance'

    Cocaine in government-run shops? Hardly any Latin American politician is audacious enough to propose such ideas to the public. Not yet, at least. But experts agree that the drug trade will eventually have to be liberalized if consumption is legalized.

    The problem is more complicated than that, however, because the "weapons and drug trades go hand-in-hand" in Latin America," says Viva Rio Director Fernandes. "We have to try to break apart this alliance."

    But no Latin American country will be able to solve this problem on its own. Cooperation with the United States and other large consumer nations in Europe will be necessary.

    In the US, some of the resistance to relaxing the drug laws comes from the prison system, which is partly privatized, explains Kasia Malinowska-Sempruch, the director of the Global Drug Policy Program at the Open Society Institute, based in Warsaw, Poland. "The lobby of prison operators is blocking such a program."

    There are signs that the Obama administration could be ready to abandon the tough approaches taken by previous administrations. It has not raised any objections yet to the attempts by Latin Americans to liberalize drug possession. California recently legalized the production of marijuana for "medical use." And after her last visit to Mexico, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton suggested searching for alternatives in the war on drugs.

    'The Lives of Our Sons and Daughters'

    Obama issued a cautious signal last week, when he trimmed the budget for funding the drug war in Colombia and Mexico. The United States should begin "thinking the unthinkable: decriminalizing drug use," writes author George W. Grayson, an expert on Mexico.

    A new strategy to fight the drug trade would also be in Washington's interest, because the drug war is destabilizing the country's most important neighbor. In Mexico, frustration over the gruesome murders associated with the drug cartels is increasingly turning into rage against President Calderón and his administration, close allies of Washington.

    The most recent massacre in Ciudad Juarez has alarmed the border city and the entire Mexican republic once again. At the funeral of the 16 victims of last week's attack, family members placed signs and photos on the open caskets, demanding respect for the victims.

    "At least let us bury our dead with dignity," a mourning mother said imploringly, directing her comments at politicians, "if you are unable to protect the lives of our sons and daughters."

    Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

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