Wednesday, July 21, 2010

Columbia U. Prexy favors gov. subsidy for ailing press; not Jacoby

JEFF JACOBY

Don’t give the press a bailout

First of two columns
ARE GOVERNMENT subsidies the cure for what ails the news business? Add Lee Bollinger, the president of Columbia University, to the roster of eminentos who think the answer is yes.
In a new book, “Uninhibited, Robust, and Wide-Open: A Free Press for a New Century,’’ Bollinger argues that the condition of the mainstream press, which is slowly being crushed under the treads of the Internet, “may become so grave as to require injections of public funds.’’ He is convinced “that this will prove to be the only way to sustain a free press over time.’’
Bollinger isn’t the only one who would like to see taxpayers propping up the news industry. Last year, Senator Benjamin Cardin of Maryland proposed legislation that would allow newspapersto operate as non-profits and be supported with tax-deductible contributions.
More recently, the Federal Trade Commission released a “discussion draft paper’’ containing a raft of proposals “to support the reinvention of journalism.’’ Many of them were schemes for funneling money from the government to the media. Among the FTC’s suggestions: increased funding for pub lic television and radio, the creation of a National Fund for Local News, a tax credit to news organizations for every journalist they hire, and even a new “journalism’’ division of AmeriCorps (“to ensure that young people who love journalism will stay in the field.’’).
According to one estimate, such a package of subsidies could cost as much as $35 billion a year. Where would that money come from? The FTC ran all kinds of revenue ideas up the flagpole: Authorize the Small Business Administration to insure loans to nonprofit journalism organizations. Increase postal subsidies for newspapers and periodicals. Levy a new tax on commercial broadcasters — or on consumer electronics — or on TV and radio advertising — or on cell phone Internet service.
But why should journalists be entitled to a multi-billion-dollar batch of media subsidies? I have been working for newspapers for the past 23 years, and my retirement is still a long way off. Needless to say, the viability of newspapers is not a subject I take lightly. Nor do I minimize the significance of the news media and traditional journalism, with all their flaws and failings, to modern democracy and civil society. But does my esteem for the news business — or Bollinger’s or Cardin’s or the FTC’s — justify government intervention to keep it alive?
Subsidies always amount, in the end, to confiscating money from many taxpayers in order to benefit relatively few. Those who call for keeping newspapers and other old media alive with injections of public funds are really saying that if people won’t support those forms of journalism voluntarily, they should be made to do so against their will.
I believe every American family should subscribe to one or two newspapers and read them regularly. But that doesn’t give me the right to make you pay for a subscription you don’t want — not even if I think you would be better off for it. How can the government have the right to do, in effect, the same thing?
The argument for most government subsidies is that the activity they support generates a larger public benefit — a benefit that would be lost if it were left up to the marketplace. In a Wall Street Journal essay last week, Bollinger claims that “trusting the market alone to provide all the news coverage we need would mean venturing into the unknown — a risky proposition with a vital public institution hanging in the balance.’’
But for the better part of two centuries, newspapers flourished in the market. They are struggling now not because there is no commercial value to “provid[ing] all the news coverage we need,’’ but because tens of millions of consumers have come to prefer other vehicles for getting that news. There hasn’t been a market failure, only a market transformation.
I would welcome a new lease on life and profitability for newspapers, and I value high-quality journalism, but the two are not synonymous. Whatever happens to the traditional media, journalism and news delivery will find profitable ways to endure. Like it or not, the transition from old to new is happening. The best thing the government can do is stay out of the way.
Next: Fair and balanced — and government-subsidized?
Jeff Jacoby can be reached at jacoby@globe.com 

Monday, July 19, 2010

Ibarz realistic/gloomy Mexican story




---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Joaquim Ibarz <jibarz@attglobal.net>
Date: 2010/7/19
Subject: "¿Cómo se grita en Juárez? ¡Todos al suelo!
To: Joaquim Ibarz <jibarz@attglobal.net>


Elisabet Sabartés-Joaquim Ibarz
Ciudad de MEXICO/Barcelona


“¿Cómo se grita en Juárez? ¡Todos al suelo! ¿Cómo se grita en Chihuahua? ¡Todos al suelo! Y ¿cómo se grita en el norte? ¡Todos al suelo!”, dijeron al unísono más de mil boy scouts mientras se tomaban una foto con Margarita Zavala, esposa del presidente de México. La consigna, encabezada por jóvenes de Ciudad Juárez, congeló la sonrisa de la primera dama, que el sábado asistió a la clausura de una convención panamericana de niños exploradores en Tepoztlán (estado de Morelos, vecino a la capital).
“Queremos que se sepa que no estamos tan felices de vivir así, en guerra, entre militares e integrantes de organizaciones criminales”, dijo uno de los muchachos.





Elisabet Sabartés- Joaquim Ibarz
MEXICO /Barcelona

¿Ha sido el Estado mexicano sobrepasado ya por la fuerza desestabilizadora, la capacidad organizativa, la implantación territorial y el poder de fuego de los carteles de la droga? El debate, latente en el ánimo de la sociedad mexicana desde que la guerra del presidente Felipe Calderón contra el narcotráfico comenzara a arrojar cifras abrumadoras de muerte y destrucción, se abrió de manera franca tras la explosión de un coche bomba la madrugada del viernes en Ciudad Juárez (fronteriza con Estados Unidos), que causó la muerte de cuatro personas (entre ellas, dos agentes federales) y numerosos heridos.
Las autoridades mexicanas –que ya están recibiendo apoyo in situ de investigadores del FBI- creen que la carga explosiva fue detonada por el grupo La Línea, brazo armado del cartel de Juárez, como represalia por la detención horas antes de su líder. Los capos mexicanos nunca habían recurrido antes a una acción semejante y sus nuevos métodos dispararon todas las señales de alarma, en un fin de semana sangriento.
Sólo de viernes a domingo, la violencia ligada al narco dejó al menos 24 muertos en cuatro estados de la República distintos y distantes. En Coahuila (norte), un comando de hombres armados irrumpió en una fiesta de cumpleaños y abrió fuego contra los asistentes: murieron 17 personas y nueve resultaron heridas. En Jalisco (oeste), un comandante de la policía fue asesinado y cuatro agentes sufrieron heridas por los disparos de sicarios desde automóviles en marcha; al parecer los agresores habrían utilizado también una granada de fragmentación. En Guerrero (suroeste) hombres armados emboscaron y ejecutaron a cuatro policías rurales. En Nuevo León (noreste) un grupo equipado con fusiles de asalto atacó varias patrullas policiales y mató a dos agentes; los hechos ocurrieron coincidiendo con la visita oficial al estado del secretario de Gobernación (Interior), Francisco Blake, quien reafirmó la vigencia de la hoja de ruta gubernamental en el combate contra los carteles. “Vamos a seguir trabajando; las estrategias ya están definidas, las acciones están puestas y siguen en marcha. Lo que vamos a hacer es darles efectividad y fluidez”, declaró.
Por su parte, el procurador (fiscal) general de la República, Arturo Chávez, se apresuró a acallar las voces que cuestionan el plan de guerra y sostienen que el narcoterror ya se instaló en el país. “No tenemos ninguna evidencia de narcoterrorismo (…), el motor dinámico de la delincuencia es la ambición, no es un tema de ideología”, dijo, para luego admitir que los barones mexicanos de la droga han desarrollado un fuerte control territorial, cooptando y sobornando autoridades y acumulando poder, “no sólo económico, también político”.
En tanto, el senador y ex candidato presidencial del Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Francisco Labastida, advirtió que, si el presidente Calderón no admite y corrige los errores en la lucha contra el crimen organizado, la escalada de violencia puede crecer aún más y llegar a los niveles que se vivieron en la peor época del narcotráfico en Colombia. “En el gobierno federal dicen que se va a continuar haciendo lo mismo, lo que denota arrogancia e incapacidad para la autocrítica”.
Durante la actual administración se han registrado 24.826 muertes vinculadas al narcotráfico y en lo que va de año el saldo ya es de 7.048.




Sunday, July 18, 2010

Sunny Sundays in Washington


One of the constant joys in Washington is the Sunday morning Farmer's Market at Dupont Circle (two blocks from our flat).  I start out rushing to the furtherst stand (blocking the entrance to the Colombian Embassy residence) to make sure they still have a couple of their superb crab cakes.  So ascertained and purchase effected, I then proceed to the young blonde lady who sells wonderful Boston lettuces at $5 a head.  Then one of the French sourdough breads at $6.50.  That's a lot of money for simple bread, no matter how good.  But I suppose they don't have that much of a turn-over.  However, it shows how far this country has progressed since the days of Wonder Bread, that air-filled pap most Americans dined on merely a half century ago.  Wendy also takes care of peaches, apples and other fruits.  Tomatoes we skipped because a whole bucketful of that red delicacy is awaiting us at Allan Gerson's house this afternoon.  He offered it to us when he came to dinner last night--in return for Wendy's driving him to the airport so he can fly to join his wife Joan (author of a ceaseless row of Jewish cook books) in Martha's Vineyard where they will spend the rest of the summer.  I went to that fancy holiday island only once--to interview John Updike while covering the book beat at the NYT.
Allan is one of our more intelligent 'conservative' friends.  He once served as legal counsel to Amb. Jean Kirkpatrick.  As a result he told me this priceless story. 
He and Kirkpatrick (a doctrinaire - but intelligent - conservative who then was the U.S. envoy to the United Nations) had been invited by the Argentine Ambassador to a luncheon in honor of the foreign minister--Muniz, I believe.   When he picked her up to drive to the Department, she confided that throughout lunch Muniz had 'mumbled something about Malvinas, Malvinas'.  She conceded sh had not the slightest idea what he was talking about.  Nor did Allan.  Less than a week later they found out when faced by one of the worst diplomatic embarrassments the Reagan Administration experienced in relation to its foreign policy. 

Enjoy the week-end, what's left of it. 

Onkel Hank.

Friday, July 16, 2010

My Reposte to M. Gerson's 'Stalin doesn't belong at a Va. memorial

Henry Raymont

 to michaelgerson
show details 7:08 AM (2 minutes ago)
Dear Gerson:

I did not have to recur to Google to guess you had not been born in the 40s.  I was.  In East Prussia, Germany.  And as a Jew who was hounded out of his state primary school at the age of six and forced to join an underground Jewish Kindergarden I can tell you that when 'Uncle Joe' finally ordered his troops to repel the invading Wehrmacht I, and everyone of my schoolmates, cheered.  And once in Buenos Aires I pinned on the wall of my workplace a National Geographic map of Europe and each day applied little flags along the front, basing myself on the wire service reports published in a variety of local newspapers.  So, no wonder that as soon as I reached the age of 16 (cheap, multilingual labor) I joined the United Press, where I continued to watch the news--and write some. 

Cheers,

Henry

P.S.  I know you are not related to Allan.  Also a conservative, but with a fine sense of irony.
--
Henry Raymont
2500 Q Street, N.W. Apt. 121
Washington, D.C. 20007
(202) 333 5029

Thursday, July 15, 2010

Message for Marie Arana

We are, indeed (in town), and think that would be a fine idea.  I am making plans to go to Havana for a fortnight in August but that is still in the veremos.  After a summer in Connecticut missing Washington became aware how much I enjoy this city--and our garden apartment.  Eso se llama aburguesamiento.  Speaking of which, I had a wonderful trip to Argentina last month, revisiting mi viejo colegio, y algunos sobrevivientes de mis viejas amistades.  Made the trip in connection with the reopening of the Teatro Colon, my synagogue.  But even more memorable was a three-day visit to Montevideo; while everybody in BA continued to enjoy the national sport of complaining vociferously about everything, the Uruguayans seem to be happy as clams.  Food is good, work is abundant, concerts at El Sodre continue to be packed........Let's do get together.

Abrazos,

Onkel Hank

Monday, July 12, 2010

Abreu's Children

Boston.comTHIS STORY HAS BEEN FORMATTED FOR EASY PRINTING

There is magic in the music

They call it El Sistema, a movement transforming the lives of Venezuelan children through performance. Now, a Boston-based group plans a US encore

First in a series of articles that will continue next Sunday in the Arts & Entertainment section.
CARACAS — In the southern reaches of this city, La Rinconada music center is buzzing with a happy sonic chaos as music spills from rehearsal rooms into the hallways. A circle of 3-year-olds ponders the mysteries of the hand bell, older children pick through Venezuelan folk tunes on guitars, and a cluster of brass players sounds out the theme song from “The Simpsons.’’ In a large, packed rehearsal room, a seasoned Venezuelan choral teacher is warming up young voices.
Suddenly, she hands the floor over to three Boston visitors.
Rebecca Levi, 24, and Lorrie Heagy, 45, swing into action, teaching two songs in Spanish along with some complex hand movements. David Malek, 41, grabs a drum and lays down a beat. In minutes, all 80 children are on their feet, and the room churns with song and dance.
The Venezuelan phenomenon known widely by its nickname — El Sistema, or “The System’’ — attracts many visitors, but none quite like this. Levi, Heagy, and Malek are members of the inaugural class of fellows from El Sistema USA: a handpicked group of young, monastically dedicated American musicians, based at New England Conservatory, and determined to bring this revolution in music education to Boston and other American communities.
They have come to learn the secrets of El Sistema, the almost fairy tale-like way it has turned to music as a vehicle for keeping poor children off the violent streets, giving them self-confidence, discipline, and other practical life skills, and in the process building up urban communities around symphony orchestras made up of children. El Sistema now reaches 400,000 Venezuelan children, with 70 percent living below the poverty line.
Music educators from Scotland to Australia have been scrambling to import El Sistema’s principles to their own countries. Until now, however, there has never been a concerted effort to do so in the United States. That is changing, and Boston is emerging as a national center of these efforts.
With headquarters at the New England Conservatory, the recently established El Sistema USA is trying to jumpstart a national movement dedicated to music education not as extracurricular enrichment but as a vehicle for transforming the lives of children in underserved urban communities.
“Everybody is excited about it,’’ said Mark Churchill, a cellist, conductor, and dean emeritus of the conservatory’s department of preparatory and continuing education, who serves as director of El Sistema USA.
“I’ve been involved in lots of different aspects of music-making and music education over my entire career, and I’ve just never seen anything that has allowed — or demanded — that people rise above their personal and institutional self-limitations and think in an idealistic way that’s full of hope, energy, and this sense of rightness.’’
The United States’ first 10 Abreu Fellows — named for El Sistema’s revered founder, José Antonio Abreu — spent two months visiting some 50 music centers or “nucleos’’ across Venezuela, from makeshift tin-roofed structures deep in the interior of the country to the newly renovated centers like La Rinconada in the capital. They graduated from the program last month, and now they will fan out to begin spreading the gospel.
In Brighton, Levi and Malek will launch an intensive music program at the Conservatory Lab Charter School this fall. Others will join or start El Sistema-inspired nucleos in Atlanta; Philadelphia; New York City; Durham, N.C.; Juneau, Alaska; and Los Angeles, where El Sistema’s celebrity graduate, Gustavo Dudamel, conducts the LA Philharmonic.
Meanwhile, organizations in other cities like Portland, Maine, and Santa Barbara, Calif., have contacted the group’s office at NEC on Huntington Avenue, hoping to hire a fellow to create programs in their communities. These groups will have to wait until next year’s fellowship class. At the moment, demand is greater than supply.
“There’s something happening globally that people are just starting to understand,’’ said Malek, who hails from San Antonio, standing outside a classroom at La Rinconada. “It’s a realization that the orchestra is the one communal structure that can focus all the energies and passions of youth. No other structure is that strong.’’
‘This is a social program’
But what constitutes an authentic El Sistema-modeled program? The answer brings one back to the essence of the Venezuelan program itself.
At the core of El Sistema is a faith in the holistic benefits of musical immersion from a young age. This means a time commitment comparable in the United States only to participation in varsity sports. Venezuelan children spend up to four hours a day, six afternoons a week, studying music in their neighborhood nucleos. And from the earliest possible moment, they are brought together to scratch out tunes in orchestras.
The goal is not to produce a nation of professional musicians, or even to teach Mozart and Beethoven as such, according to Rodrigo Guerrero, El Sistema’s officer of international affairs. At the beginning, parents are persuaded to enroll their children simply as a free way to keep them occupied, safe, and off the streets after school. Yet once they are enrolled, the joys of communal music-making can become contagious, and what began for parents as little more than free childcare can become something much bigger.
“When you have an orchestra within a community, the orchestra empowers the community to such a level that the orchestra becomes its clearest form of expression,’’ said Guerrero. “You get parents, teachers, and local government asking for the orchestra to be present as a representation of the community at social functions. And because the families come to depend on the local nucleos, one of the demands that the community will make on a politician trying to be elected is, ‘What are you going to do for our orchestras?’ ’’
In Venezuela, the Abreu Fellows met with Abreu himself, who at 71 appears somewhat frail — until he begins spinning out vast utopian visions for music and social change. Trained as an economist and a musician, he founded El Sistema in 1975, with 11 children rehearsing in a garage. He has subsequently built his life around the insight that music can instill what he calls a “spiritual affluence’’ in children with little else in their lives.
Among those who work within El Sistema, Abreu is regarded with an almost religious reverence, an aura that is also felt by his admirers abroad. The Boston conductor Benjamin Zander has called him “the Gandhi of classical music.’’
Abreu also has a canny knack for politics. He has persuaded eight successive governments to support the program, while always making sure that El Sistema remains apolitical. To this day 80 percent of El Sistema’s funding comes from the Venezuelan government. Yet from the beginning, Abreu insisted that the support be channeled not through Venezuela’s Ministry of Culture but through its Ministry of Social Development.
“Cultural ministries within all of Latin America manage a very elite concept of culture,’’ he told the Abreu Fellows at their first meeting. “So from the very beginning I wanted to have the state acknowledge that this is a social program, and as an artist, I demand that my art be dignified with the mission of creating better human beings.’’
The fellows seem to have walked away from their initial meeting with Abreu in various states of awe. Dantes Rameau, a bassoonist from Ontario, wrote on his blog that he was ready “to run through a brick wall’’ for the man. Levi, originally from New York City, said this initial meeting with Abreu made her realize that her entire life had been leading up to this new role.
A musical fellowship
The fellowship drew a group with diverse musical backgrounds, from Heagy, a midcareer music teacher and librarian at Glacier Valley Elementary School in Juneau, to Rameau, Stanford Thompson, and Christine Witkowski, all three of whom recently trained as instrumentalists at top-tier music schools. Daniel Berkowitz is a trombonist and entrepreneur in the financial services industry; Jonathan Govias is a rising young conductor; Kathryn Wyatt is a well-traveled violist who has worked in orchestral management; and Alvaro Rodas is a Guatemalan-born percussionist who has helped El Sistema take root in his native country and wrote a master’s thesis on the program at Columbia University.
They all thought they were coming to Venezuela as observers and researchers, but the nucleos pride themselves on learning from any visitor with something to teach, so the fellows were quickly swept into the mix, giving private lessons, coaching brass sectionals, or leading seminars in early childhood education.
One nucleo director in the northwestern city of Acarigua turned over his entire orchestra to three Abreu fellows and gave them two weeks to prepare a challenging concert program. Working in cramped quarters during a period of nationwide electricity outages, the fellows rehearsed an orchestra with an enormous range of players, from experienced students to a young bassoonist whom Rameau had taught to make his first sounds on the instrument only days earlier. (They wrote him a special part consisting mostly of the note B-flat.) “The concert itself was given outside in stifling heat, with the dogs barking and a drunkard shouting,’’ recalled Govias, who conducted the orchestra. “But it was a truly marvelous experience, one of the most meaningful performances of my life.’’
Another group of fellows traveled to the city of Barquisimeto only to find the nucleo closed when they arrived at 8:30 a.m. Nearby, however, they heard the sounds of a professional orchestra, and upon investigation discovered the nucleo staff sitting not behind desks but behind music stands, rehearsing Mahler’s Fifth Symphony. It turns out that many of El Sistema’s teachers and administrators are themselves products of the program, and are encouraged to maintain their identities as artists and performers.
Getting, and giving back
That approach appealed to Thompson, a trumpet player from Decatur, Ga., who recently graduated from the elite Curtis Institute of Music and had felt he needed to choose between a career in trumpet performance and a commitment to working with children in urban communities. “The crossroad was really, really tough,’’ he said over breakfast in a Caracas hotel. “I was scared about not playing as much. I had this vision that when I was 30 years old, maybe I’d be selling all my trumpets.’’ He ended up turning down a principal position in a professional orchestra in order to become an Abreu Fellow. Next year, he will run an organization called “Tune up, Philly!’’ in Philadelphia.
Rameau, for his part, will lead a new initiative called the Atlanta Music Project. As a bassoonist of Haitian and Cameroonian descent, he said he spent many years attending classical music concerts and falling in love with the sound of orchestras, but feeling baffled as to why there were so few blacks or Latinos in the audience or on stage.
“It’s as if other parts of the world didn’t know how good this was, and that the classical music establishment itself wasn’t doing much to invite other people into their world,’’ he said. “And then they sit there and wonder why the concert halls are half empty.’’
This time, at least one major American orchestra seems determined to get in on the act. The LA Philharmonic, with Dudamel at its helm, has emerged as a leader in efforts to transplant this philosophy to the United States. Two of the Abreu fellows will be working with new community youth orchestras founded in partnership with the Philharmonic.
Back at La Rinconada music center, as classes let out, Malek talks about what he will take back with him to Boston.
“I really believe that what we have to learn is nothing musical,’’ he says. “It’s in the relationships. It’s in the priorities they have. That’s what we have to bring back. It’s not that we don’t have it in the States — it’s that we’ve sort of forgotten what’s important.’’
He pauses, looking up through rimless glasses and projecting a quiet but firm intensity. “Abreu started with 11 kids playing in a garage,’’ he said. “If that’s how it starts for us, that’s how it starts.’’
Jeremy Eichler can be reached at jeichler@globe.com 
© Copyright 2010 The New York Times Company
 

Wednesday, July 7, 2010

Claude Marx on Peter Beinart

US fornpolicy Peter Beinart's book reviewed
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Reply

Henry Raymont

 to me
show details Jun 26 (11 days ago)


Examining US domination, hubris

By Claude R. Marx  |  June 26, 2010
It’s hard to be humble when you are the world’s remaining superpower. This immodesty has caused more than a few problems for the United States since the beginning of the 20th century, when the nation first emerged as a significant player on the world stage.
The subject, especially in light of the two wars the country is currently fighting, cries out for an informed analysis that includes an examination of the relevant diplomatic and intellectual history. Fortunately, “The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris’’ touches all the relevant points in an informative and often engaging manner.
Peter Beinart, a journalist whose liberal hawkishness and support of the 2003 Iraq War caused him to be distrusted among those on the left and right, comes across as someone trying to atone for his past positions. He is not, by any means, an isolationist but urges American leaders to use caution when trying to flex the nation’s muscles and export its values.
The book strikes a delicate balance. It does not come across as an ideological screed, but readers are always aware whom Beinart considers the good and bad actors.
He is critical of President Wilson for engaging in the hubris of reason, which entailed trying to remake the world based on abandoning self-interest for a universal good. Wilson, Beinart argues, was blind to the existing alliances and the diplomatic history that had shaped the state of the world in the second decade of the 20th century
“For many European statesmen, who had learned from harsh experience to distrust their carnivorous neighbors, the balance of power was like gravity. You might not love it; but you defied it at your own peril,’’ he writes. “But to progressives such as Wilson, who had witnessed less tragedy than their European counterparts, and more triumph, the balance of power looked both immoral and archaic, the global equivalent of America’s selfish tribes.’’
The results of these efforts included planting some of the seeds for World War II and the current problems in the Middle East. This was a case of the road to hell really being paved with good intentions.
Beinart also takes aim at those who ran the United States and its foreign policy from the post-World War II period through Vietnam for having practiced the hubris of toughness. He rightly contends that this approach dragged the country into an unwinnable war that divided the nation and caused havoc to the country’s reputation abroad.
He contends that for President Kennedy and his top advisers (including former Harvard faculty members McGeorge Bundy and Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.) “toughness connoted something more aggressive [than the views of the earlier generation of leaders], something more like a crusade. It meant demanding more of oneself and one’s nation, paying any price, bearing any burden, meeting any hardship, and thus achieving the impossible.’’
Beinart’s criticism is fair, but it is not at all clear whether the domestic political climate of the time in which both parties tried to show they were sufficiently tough in the fight against communism would have allowed the Kennedy administration to act much differently.
He praises the foreign policy of the Reagan administration for talking tough when needed but also being willing to negotiate arms reductions with the Soviet Union under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev. He also lauds Reagan’s reluctance to commit American troops to unpopular foreign military operations.
More recently, Beinart contends, the United States has practiced the hubris of dominance, which hasn’t always manifested itself in decisions that have helped either the United States or his allies. The title of his chapter on the Iraq war, “The Romantic Bully,’’ says it all. His section containing his grand vision for foreign policy, which seems to be a requisite part of all books on international affairs these days, is fairly conventional liberal fare.
Beinart’s book, the title of which refers to the character in Greek mythology who while trying to escape Crete flew too close to the sun and fell to earth, tackles a great deal of material in an approachable, yet never simplistic, way. Despite the author’s occasional tendency to go off on tangents and show off his intellectual prowess, “The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris’’ is a valuable addition to the public debate about the United States’ ever evolving role in the world.
Claude R. Marx, an award-winning journalist, can be reached at crmarx@aol.com 
© Copyright 2010 The New York Times Company

Claude Marx on Peter Beinart

US fornpolicy Peter Beinart's book reviewed
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Reply

Henry Raymont

 to me
show details Jun 26 (11 days ago)

Examining US domination, hubris

By Claude R. Marx  |  June 26, 2010
It’s hard to be humble when you are the world’s remaining superpower. This immodesty has caused more than a few problems for the United States since the beginning of the 20th century, when the nation first emerged as a significant player on the world stage.
The subject, especially in light of the two wars the country is currently fighting, cries out for an informed analysis that includes an examination of the relevant diplomatic and intellectual history. Fortunately, “The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris’’ touches all the relevant points in an informative and often engaging manner.
Peter Beinart, a journalist whose liberal hawkishness and support of the 2003 Iraq War caused him to be distrusted among those on the left and right, comes across as someone trying to atone for his past positions. He is not, by any means, an isolationist but urges American leaders to use caution when trying to flex the nation’s muscles and export its values.
The book strikes a delicate balance. It does not come across as an ideological screed, but readers are always aware whom Beinart considers the good and bad actors.
He is critical of President Wilson for engaging in the hubris of reason, which entailed trying to remake the world based on abandoning self-interest for a universal good. Wilson, Beinart argues, was blind to the existing alliances and the diplomatic history that had shaped the state of the world in the second decade of the 20th century
“For many European statesmen, who had learned from harsh experience to distrust their carnivorous neighbors, the balance of power was like gravity. You might not love it; but you defied it at your own peril,’’ he writes. “But to progressives such as Wilson, who had witnessed less tragedy than their European counterparts, and more triumph, the balance of power looked both immoral and archaic, the global equivalent of America’s selfish tribes.’’
The results of these efforts included planting some of the seeds for World War II and the current problems in the Middle East. This was a case of the road to hell really being paved with good intentions.
Beinart also takes aim at those who ran the United States and its foreign policy from the post-World War II period through Vietnam for having practiced the hubris of toughness. He rightly contends that this approach dragged the country into an unwinnable war that divided the nation and caused havoc to the country’s reputation abroad.
He contends that for President Kennedy and his top advisers (including former Harvard faculty members McGeorge Bundy and Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.) “toughness connoted something more aggressive [than the views of the earlier generation of leaders], something more like a crusade. It meant demanding more of oneself and one’s nation, paying any price, bearing any burden, meeting any hardship, and thus achieving the impossible.’’
Beinart’s criticism is fair, but it is not at all clear whether the domestic political climate of the time in which both parties tried to show they were sufficiently tough in the fight against communism would have allowed the Kennedy administration to act much differently.
He praises the foreign policy of the Reagan administration for talking tough when needed but also being willing to negotiate arms reductions with the Soviet Union under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev. He also lauds Reagan’s reluctance to commit American troops to unpopular foreign military operations.
More recently, Beinart contends, the United States has practiced the hubris of dominance, which hasn’t always manifested itself in decisions that have helped either the United States or his allies. The title of his chapter on the Iraq war, “The Romantic Bully,’’ says it all. His section containing his grand vision for foreign policy, which seems to be a requisite part of all books on international affairs these days, is fairly conventional liberal fare.
Beinart’s book, the title of which refers to the character in Greek mythology who while trying to escape Crete flew too close to the sun and fell to earth, tackles a great deal of material in an approachable, yet never simplistic, way. Despite the author’s occasional tendency to go off on tangents and show off his intellectual prowess, “The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris’’ is a valuable addition to the public debate about the United States’ ever evolving role in the world.
Claude R. Marx, an award-winning journalist, can be reached at crmarx@aol.com 
© Copyright 2010 The New York Times Company

Is Fromm's diagnosis of 'sado masochistic' forgiven and forgotten?

German industrial output bounces back

By Daniel Schäfer in Frankfurt
Published: July 4 2010 22:00 | Last updated: July 4 2010 22:00
German industrial companies are frantically rehiring workers and ramping up capacity as they approach output levels last seen before the 2008 collapse ofLehman Brothers sent the global economy into a tailspin.
Orders for export-driven Germany’s key sectors such as machinery, cars and chemicals are pouring in, say businesses.
Axel Heitmann, chief executive of Lanxess, Germany’s biggest speciality chemicals group, said Europe’s industrial powerhouse was profiting from a rebound in demand from Asia. “Germany has all the reason to be very optimistic,” he added.
German engineering, the country’s industrial heart employing 915,000, last weekrevealed a 61 per cent increase in orders year-on-year in May.
Manfred Wittenstein, president of VDMA, the German engineering association, said it had raised its production forecast for 2010 from a zero increase to one of 3 per cent.
“We are approaching normal capacity utilisation,” Mr Wittenstein said. “With this order inflow, we will soon face the problem of a skill shortage.”
Within a matter of months, many engineering and car companies were forced to switch from a long period of short-term work to rehiring contract workers and running full and even special shifts.
German unemployment fell to 7.5 per cent in June, the lowest level since December 2008.
Mr Heitmann said Lanxess was raising its capital expenditure by more than 50 per cent to €430m this year to increase capacity and it would spend more in 2011.
“Some of our product lines have already reached pre-crisis capacity utilisation,” he said.
Peter Schwarzenbauer, Audi’s head of sales, said the premium carmaker was on track to reach its 2008 record of 1m cars sold.
Germany’s upbeat news has prompted economists to lift their economic growth forecasts. Last week, Commerzbank revised its German GDP forecast for this year to 2.5 per cent from 1.8 per cent.
Mr Wittenstein and other industrialists forecast growth to slow in the second half of the year. “The Chinese market will calm down and previous year’s figures will become harder to beat,” Mr Wittenstein said. Data from China and other parts of Asia have pointed to a slowdown in manufacturing on the continent. The mood in corporate Germany seems unshaken by these prospects.
Ulrich Reifenhäuser, managing director and owner of plastics machinery maker Reifenhäuser, said his company was struggling to cope with an order increase of more than 100 per cent in some months this year.
“I really hope that this will start to level off and that growth rates will come down again. I am hoping for a more moderate and steady growth rate,” he said.