Thursday, November 11, 2010

From my friend Oppy........helping me sell my book......

Region ignoring Venezuela coup threats

 

AOPPENHEIMER@MIAMIHERALD.COM

What a sham! While the Venezuelan military announces it will not accept an opposition victory in the 2012 elections, thousands of people are dying in Mexico's drug wars and Haiti is suffering from a deadly cholera epidemic, the Organization of American States -- supposedly in charge of addressing the region's biggest problems -- is nowhere to be seen.
FULLY IMMERSED
Well, actually, let me correct that: An official Nov. 9 OAS statement informs us that the Washington-based 34-country organization's Permanent Council is fully immersed in a special session aimed at resolving a ``disagreement'' between Nicaragua and Costa Rica exacerbated by a demarcation error in a Google map of the border between the two countries.
The Google error, which has since been recognized and corrected by the Internet search giant, apparently prompted Nicaragua to dredge a portion of a border river claimed by Costa Rica. An act of ``aggression,'' charged Costa Rica, and sent armed police, but, as far as we know, not a single shot has been fired in the dispute.
Meantime, arguably much more dramatic events are taking place all over the region.
Earlier this week, Maj. Gen. Henry Rangel Silva, head of the Venezuelan armed forces Operational Strategic Command, was quoted by the Caracas daily Ultimas Noticias as saying that ``a hypothetical opposition government in 2012 would amount to selling away the country, and that's not going to be accepted by the National Armed Force.''
Days earlier, President Hugo Chávez, who got fewer votes than the opposition in Venezuela's recent legislative elections, had warned that if an opposition candidate wins in 2012, there will be a ``violent revolution'' in Venezuela. Opposition leaders denounced Chávez's and Rangel Silva's statements as unconstitutional, and as pre-announcements of a self-coup.
In Mexico, more than 30,000 people have died in the war on drugs over the past four years. Many public figures, including former presidents Vicente Fox and Ernesto Zedillo, are calling for reassessment of regional anti-drug strategies.
In earthquake-battered Haiti, nearly 600 people have died and 9,123 have been hospitalized in recent weeks as a cholera epidemic sweeps the nation. The death toll is expected to keep rising.
``I have been watching the OAS for half a century, and there have been moments of great significance and moments of absolute silliness. This is certainly one of the latter,'' says Henry Raymont, a former New York Times correspondent and author of Troubled Neighbors, a book on U.S.-Latin American relations.
Where is the OAS? I asked OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza. To his credit, while stating that the OAS is very active in Haiti and has a duty to try to solve the Nicaragua-Costa Rica dispute, he didn't stay silent on the Venezuelan military's threat.
`UNACCEPTABLE'
Referring to Rangel Silva's statements, he told me that ``the fact that an army commander threatens with an a priori insubordination is unacceptable. Venezuela's ruling civilian authority should correct that.''
Insulza added that ``I have recently denounced an intended coup in Ecuador because an armed [police] corps rose against the democratically-elected civilian authority. It would be inconsistent to remain silent when another armed corps threatens with an insubordination against a hypothetical future civilian authority.''
Asked what he is going to do about Venezuela's military threat, Insulza said that for the OAS to move on the issue, it would have to be raised by a member country. ``I hope that a member country will bring it up at the Permanent Council,'' he said.
My opinion: Insulza is right on this one. He can't do much unless member countries officially raise issues at the OAS. That hasn't happened yet: El Salvador, which chairs the Permanent Council, and the region's biggest countries are ignoring their OAS commitments to collectively defend democracy in the region.
And, to be fair, the OAS is not the only regional group to be looking the other way at the region's major problems. The Union of South American Nations, UNASUR, is even more nonexistent than the OAS. Its frequent summits are most often nothing but political tourism.
If OAS member countries don't denounce Venezuela's Chávez-backed military threat to ignore the results of the 2012 election, their claims to defend multilateralism and regional diplomacy will continue sounding like a joke.


Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/11/11/1919823/region-ignoring-venezuela-coup.html#ixzz14ySASuUs

Tuesday, September 28, 2010

Dear Anne Midgette

It is barely 6am, my Wendy is fast asleep and Placido's timely adieu has fired me up.  In Spanish we say 'ya era hora'.  First, to establish my bona fides:  I first heard Placido as a very young singer in a Verdi Requiem conducted by Pablo Casals at the Festival in Puerto Rico.  He was superb.  Then, on an assignment in Asuncion, Paraguay, when I was the NYT's  South American correspondent I spent a sleepless night in a hotel room watching a broadcast of his Lohengrin.  Again, quite extraordinary.  I also applaud his efforts to promote young singers--though that, as we learned in Marlboro, VT., sometimes is as problematic as it may be helpful--good for some, terrible for others.

Now,  I grew up in Buenos Aires and became a newspaperman at 17--some (las malas lenguas) say I took a job with the United Press in order to attend the rehearsals at the Teatro Colon.  Indeed, I made some that would profoundly influence my life:  Fritz Busch, Erich Kleiber, Emanuel List, Salvatore Baccaloni, Rose Bampton, Elsa Cavelti, but, above all, Willy Kapell.  The latter spent four weeks in BA in the 1940's and we must have watched every movie in town.  The fact that Newsweek published my cables about his success at the Colon opened the door to my adding occasional (frequent) pieces on artists to the daily U.P. report to the US (B.A. was Latin American HQs).

When I was transferred to Washington back in 1949 two things struck me:  the only symphony orchestra of the nation's capital, known as National Symphony had a fourth-rate conductor named Howard Mitchell (Alexander Schneider of the Budapest String Quartet would exclaim, 'look how well he wears his tuxedo') and an atrocious home known as Constitution Hall owned by the Daughters of the American Revolution--the outfit that prevented Marion Anderson from singing there.  (tell that to the kids who doubt that the country hasn't made much progress).

Last but not least, I asked somebody yesterday to forward to you a suggestion (an opportunity):  the board should audition Julien Salemkour.  He is currently the assistant conductor at the Berlin Staatsoper with Daniel Barenboim.  Had he been in Chicago he would have become an international star the night he took over from Daniel when the latter was hospitalized with a bad fever 15 minutes before a concert, a celebration of a Mozart Year that was to be televised world-wide.  Julien kept the same program which included accompanying Quastoff and Dorothea Roschmann, playing and conducting a Mozart concerto, as well as a symphony and an overture.  

I mentioned Busch.  During a quick tour of Scandinavia (UP) in 1949 I stopped over in Stockholm where the conductor's son, Hans Busch, a stage director, had staged a Barber of Seville--in Swedish.
Can you imagine the recitativo secco sung in a Scandinavian language?  I was rolling in the aisle--and
wrote a story that was published in Buenos Aires as part of that unfailing formula 'local boy makes good'.  Lest you wonder, we old agency hands were past masters at finding a 'local angle'.

Postlude:  That first year in the States (1948-49) I worked the overnight (graveyard) shift at the UP in New York and attended Columbia U during the day. (Jewish families were sticklers about degrees).
Sure enough, it did not exactly build up my muscles.  So one day I get a phone call--in Spanish with an atrocious German accent:  "Henry, es tu amiiiigo Hans...."  A week later, having secured a leave of absence from the UP, I was on my way to Bloomington, Indiana, to be his assistant at the Opera Workshop.  There I got my degree--and a dose of Americana that greatly helped me understand US politics by the time I came back to the Washington bureau--and was given the Latin beat, that included Puerto Rico (we had a big client, El Mundo, whose owner loved music) so guess where I went every time the weather got blustery.;.....to develop client relations, of course.  And, by the way, to visit Don Pau.

Abrazos,

Onkel Heinz

Monday, September 13, 2010

Winnicott--Joe Goldstein's guru

DONALD WOODS WINNICOTT

(1896-1971)
Donald Woods Winnicott was born into a prosperous middle-class family in Plymouth, England, in 1896. Deciding to become a doctor, he began to study medicine in Cambridge but broke off to serve as probationer surgeon on a British destroyer in World War One. He completed his medical studies in 1920 and in 1923, the same year as his first marriage, got a post as physician at the Paddington Green Children's Hospital in London. Also in 1923, Winnicott entered into a personal analysis with Freud's English translator, James Strachey. In 1927 Winnicott was accepted for training by the British Psycho-Analytical Society, qualified as an adult analyst in 1934 and as a child analyst in 1935. He was still working at the children's hospital and commented later that "at that time no other analyst was also a paediatrician so for two or three decades I was an isolated phenomenon." The treatment of psychically disturbed children and their mothers gave him experience on which he would later build his most original theories. And the short time he could spend on each case led to his development of "therapeutic consultations." (See below, Innovations in clinical practice.)
Another child analyst, Melanie Klein, moved to London in 1926 and soon had many followers: Winnicott had further analysis with one of them, Joan Rivière. The Kleinians' belief in the paramount importance, for psychic health, of the first year of a child's life, was shared by Winnicott. But this view diverged somewhat from that of Freud and his daughter Anna (herself a child analyst!) who both came to London in 1938, refugees from the Nazis in Austria. A split within the British Psycho-Analytical Society was threatened between the orthodox Freudians and the Kleinians; but by the end of World War Two in 1945 a typically British compromise established three more or less amicable groups: the Freudians, the Kleinians and a "Middle" group, to which Winnicott belonged.
However, for Winnicott the war years were more important for the opportunities they gave him to work with seriously disturbed children who had been evacuated from London and other big cities, and separated from their family. His experience as a psychiatric consultant to the Government Evacuation Scheme provided an impetus towards new thinking about the significance of the mother's role. He also became aware of the fact that therapy was more than a case of "making the right interpretation at the right moment" and of the importance of what he called "management". His second marriage, in 1951, was to Clare Britton, the psychiatric social worker with whom he had collaborated during the war years.
After the war Winnicott was physician in charge of the Child Department of the Institute of Psychoanalysis for 25 years; he was president of the British Psycho-Analytical Society for 2 terms; a member of UNESCO and WHO study groups, and lectured widely and wrote as well as having a private practice. He continued to work at the Paddington Green Children's Hospital into the 1960's.
He died in 1971 following the last of a series of heart attacks and was cremated in London.

Saturday, September 11, 2010

Repetimos la Historia? o 'La Historia de un Olvido"


Henry Raymont

WASHINGTON--Un tema perenne para la comunidad diplomatica latinoamericana en esta capital, tema que parece no tener fin, es la queja del poco interes que prestan a los asuntos del hemisferio el gobierno de los Estados Unidos asi como la prensa de este pais.  

Efectivamente, si uno lee The New York Times y el Washington Post, la impresion que dejan estos dos influyentes periodicos es que el hemisferio sur solo padece de desastres--violencia callejera en Mexico, guerrillas en Colombia, terremotos en Chile y Haiti, desgobierno en la Argentina y Ecuador.  

Pareciera que apenas Brasil y Costa Rica son los dos paises bien gobernados y de un futuro politico, economico y cultural mas bien asegurado.    El resto del continente--como si no existiera.

Los Leitmotiv como dirian los alemanes, son refranes como 'no contamos para nada''; "no nos toman en consideracion", 'se olvidan de nosotros'.  

Este corresponsal viene oyendo estas frases desde hace medio siglo.  Cuando fui asignado a cubrir al departamento de Estado al comienzo del gobierno del Presidente Dwight D. Eisenhower, el secretario de Estado era John Foster Dulles, uno de los grandes promotores del concepgto de la Guerra Fria.  Hijo de misioneros protestantes, habia nacido en China.  No era de exgtranar entonces de que hubiera dedicado su vida a la lucha contra el comunismo.  Por consiguiente, su unico interes en Latinoamerica era como crear una franja de hierro alrededor del hemisferio para mantenerlo alejado del contagio de la Marea Roja.

Poco a poco esa obsesion, combinado con una patente apatia por los problemas economicos y sociales por los que atravesaba el hemisferio, llevo a Dulles a consolidar las relaciones con los regimenes militares mas represores de Latinoamerica.  Su unico proposito en el hemisferio era lograr tratados de cooperacion militar y de alianzas politicas para contrarrestar al peligro comunista.  Cualquier gobierno que no participaria en estos tratados era considerado con sospecha, cuando no era tachado de 'filo comunista'.  

El gran aliado de Dulles en esta tarea fue un diplomatico tejano glardonado con el maravilloso nombre de Thomas Mann.  Una de las tantas hazanas de Mann fue prohibirle la entrada a los Estados Unidos al escritor mexicano Carlos Fuentes por considerarlo comunista.  Cuando este corresponsal le exigio pruebas, Mann insistio en que el habia visto 'la tarjeta en que Fuentes se habia inscrito en el Partido.   El tema rapidamente se convirtio en un mini escandalo dado que las novelas de Fuentes, todas traducidas por la prestigiosa editorial Farrar, Straus & Giroux,  recibieron varios premios literarios en Estados Unidos.  Fuentes, que rechaza volar en avion habia tomado un barco desde Londres que tras de cruzar el Atlantico atraco en San Juan, Puerto Rico.  Fue alli que el departamento envio instrucciones al servicio de guardacostas de que no permitieran que Fuentes desembarcara.  Asi el novelista tuvo que permanecer dos dias en la nave sufriendo el calor caribeno mientras que los otros pasajeros gozaban de la playa y el bar del Hotel Caribe Hilton.

Por aquellos anos, ya al final del gobierno de Eisenhower, los corresponsales extranjeros eramos apenas dos docenas (comparados con mas de l,000 hoy dia) lo que significa que Dulles nos conocia de nombre y su vocero de prensa, White, nos pedia las preguntas antes de cada conferencia para que los expertos del departamento pudieran preparar las respuestas al Secretario.  Por eso cada vez que yo me levantaba, Dulles me recibia con su sonrisa torcida exclamando con sarcasmo 'y que pregunta latinoamericana me traes hoy?' 

Su desinteres en Latinoamerica no era de sorprender.  La compartia su jefe,  el Presidente Eisenhower.  Cuando anos despues me dedique a investigar las bibliotecas presidenciales como corresponsal del The New York Times, obtuve acceso a la correspondencia  privada de Eisenhower.  En ella encontre unas anotaciones en su diario personal en la que se refiere a la conferencia de jefes de Esgtado realizada en Panama en 1955.  Su unica referencia a esa cumbre fue:  'La idea de la cumbre en Panama fue genial.  Todos los jefes de Estado vinieron a hablar conmigo aqui asi que ya no necesito hacer ningun viaje por la region."

Con ese poco interes no era de sorprender de que uno de sus ultimos gestos hacia Latinoamerica fue poco menos que desastroso:  otorgarle la condecorarlo con la Congressional Medal of Honor al dictador venezolano Carlos Perez Jimenez--pocos dias antes de que un golpe de estado encabezado por la marina venezolana lo destituyera.

Un elocuente testimonio del deterioro de las relaciones fue el ataque fisico que experimento el vice-presidente de Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon precisamente en Caracas donde una multitud casi dio vuelta el coche blindado en que viajaba.  Nixon en un inicio reconocio publicamente de que el ataque fue causado por la desatencion en que su propio gobierno habia demostrado hacia Latinoamerica.  Sin em bargo, ni bien se volvio a incorporar a sus labores en la Casa Blanca y el Congreso su interes pasajero por las relaciones hemisfericas se esfumaron rapidamente.

Por cierto, el deterioro en las relaciones inter-americanas durante los ocho anios del gobierno de Eisenhower fue frenado de abrupto con la llegada del presidente John F. Kennedy,  quien enarbolo  
 al final de la decada de los 40 y en la de los 50, Dulles no tardo en enemistarse con una gran mayoria de los paises latinoamericanos,  como especialmente Argentina, Brasil, Peru y Venezuela.    

Como en otra ocasion habiamos observado, el gobierno del presidente Barak Obama trajo consigo un excelente equipo de funcionarios, commo Arturo Valenzuela, el secretario adjunto de Estado para Asuntos del Hemisferio Occidental.  Sin embargo la tonica de este gobierno se ha dado en el ambito nacional y en los problemas energeticos, que orientan su atencion al Oriente Medio asi como a las populosas naciones del Asia donde Estados Unidos compite con China y Europa para conquistar mercados.  Latinoamerica nuevamente ha quedado en la retaguardia.
 Reply
 Forward

Another Koenigsberger......neither a Klops nor a Knopf but DAS ICH



Johann Gottlieb Fichte
Full nameJohann Gottlieb Fichte
BornMay 19, 1762
RammenauSaxonyHoly Roman Empire
DiedJanuary 27, 1814 (aged 51)
Berlin
Era18th-century philosophy
RegionWestern Philosophy
SchoolGerman IdealismGerman RomanticismNeo-Kantianism, Post-Kantianism
Main interestsSelf-consciousness and Self-awarenessMoral Philosophy,Political Philosophy
Notable ideasabsolute consciousness, thesis-antithesis-synthesis, the not-I, striving, mutual recognition
Johann Gottlieb Fichte (May 19, 1762 – January 27, 1814) was a Germanphilosopher. He was one of the founding figures of the philosophical movement known as German idealism, a movement that developed from the theoretical and ethical writings of Immanuel Kant. Fichte is often perceived as a figure whose philosophy forms a bridge between the ideas of Kant and the German Idealist Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.

Recently, philosophers and scholars have begun to appreciate Fichte as an important philosopher in his own right due to his original insights into the nature of self-consciousness or self-awareness. Like Descartes and Kantbefore him, he was motivated by the problem of subjectivity and consciousness. Fichte also wrote political philosophy and is considered one of the fathers of German nationalism.

Life and work

Fichte was born in RammenauUpper Lusatia. In 1780, he began study at the Jena theology seminary. In 1784, without completing his high school.  Moved to Zürich, and in 1790 he became engaged to Johanna Rahn, who happened to be the niece of the famous poet F. G. Klopstock. In 1790, Fichte began to study the works of Kant, which were to have a lasting effect on the trajectory of his life and thought.

Not long after meeting Kant in Königsberg, Fichte published his first work, Attempt at a Critique of All Revelation(1792), a book that investigates the connections between divine revelation and Kant's Critical philosophy.  Kant openly praised the work and author, Fichte's reputation skyrocketed, as many intellectuals of the day were of the opinion that it was "...the most shocking and astonishing news... [since] nobody but Kant could have written this book. This amazing news of a third sun in the philosophical heavens has set me into such confusion..." [2]
Fichte died of typhus at the age of fifty-two. His son, Immanuel Hermann Fichte, also made contributions to philosophy.

[edit]Atheism Dispute

In 1798 Johann Gottlieb Fichte was accused of atheism after publishing his essay 'On the Ground of Our Belief in a Divine World-Governance', which he had written in response to Karl Friedrich Forberg's essay 'Development of the Concept of Religion', his Philosophical Journal. The controvery eventually forced the resignation of his chair at Jenna in 1799.

[edit]Fichte's philosophical writings

In mimicking Kant's difficult style, Fichte produced works that were barely intelligible. "He made no hesitation in pluming himself on his great skill in the shadowy and obscure, by often remarking to his pupils, that 'there was only one man in the world who could fully understand his writings; and even he was often at a loss to seize upon his real meaning.' "[3] This remark was often mistakenly attributed to Hegel.
Fichte did not endorse Kant's argument for the existence of noumena, of "things in themselves", the supra-sensible reality beyond the categories of humanreason. Fichte saw the rigorous and systematic separation of "things in themselves" (noumena) and things "as they appear to us" (phenomena) as an invitation to skepticism. Rather than invite such skepticism, Fichte made the radical suggestion that we should throw out the notion of a noumenal world and instead accept the fact that consciousness does not have a grounding in a so-called "real world". In fact, Fichte achieved fame for originating the argument that consciousness is not grounded in anything outside of itself. The phenomenal world as such, arises from self-consciousness; the activity of the ego; and moral awareness. His student (and critic), Schopenhauer, wrote:
...Fichte who, because the thing-in-itself had just been discredited, at once prepared a system without any thing-in-itself. Consequently, he rejected the assumption of anything that was not through and through merely our representation, and therefore let the knowing subject be all in all or at any rate produce everything from its own resources. For this purpose, he at once did away with the essential and most meritorious part of the Kantian doctrine, the distinction between a priori and a posteriori and thus that between the phenomenon and the thing-in-itself. For he declared everything to be a priori, naturally without any evidence for such a monstrous assertion; instead of these, he gave sophisms and even crazy sham demonstrations whose absurdity was concealed under the mask of profundity and of the incomprehensibility ostensibly arising therefrom. Moreover, he appealed boldly and openly to intellectual intuition, that is, really to inspiration [disambiguation needed].

[edit]Central theory

In his work Foundations of Natural Right (1796), Fichte argued that self-consciousness was a social phenomenon — an important step and perhaps the first clear step taken in this direction by modern philosophy.  A necessary condition of every subject's self-awareness, for Fichte, is the existence of other rational subjects. These others call or summon (fordern auf) the subject or self out of its unconsciousness and into an awareness of itself as a free individual.
Fichte's account proceeds from the general principle that the I must set itself up as an individual in order to set itself up at all, and that in order to set itself up as an individual it must recognize itself as it were to a calling or summons (Aufforderung) by other free individual(s) — called, moreover, to limit its own freedom out of respect for the freedom of the other. The same condition applied and applies, of course, to the other(s) in its development.

Hence, mutual recognition of rational individuals turns out to be a condition necessary for the individual 'I' in general. This argument for intersubjectivity is so central to the conception of selfhood developed in the Jena Doctrine of Science (aka 'Wissenschaftslehre') that Fichte, in his later lectures (his Nova Methodo), incorporated it into his revised presentation of the very foundations of his system, where the summons takes its place alongside original feeling, which takes the place of the earlier Anstoss (see below) as both a limit upon the absolute freedom of the I and a condition for the positing of the same.
This idea is an elaboration and extension of his central philosophical work, Doctrine of Science (aka 'Wissenschaftslehre'), where he showed that consciousness of the self depends upon resistance or a check by something that is understood as not part of the self yet is not immediately ascribable to a particular sensory perception.
The I ('Das Ich') itself sets this situation up for itself (it posits itself). To 'set' (setzen) does not mean to 'create' the objects of consciousness. The principle in question simply states that the essence of an I lies in the assertion of ones own self-identity, i.e., that consciousness presupposes self-consciousness. Such immediate self-identity, however, cannot be understood as a psychological fact, nor as an act or accident of some previously existing substance or being. It is an action of the I, but one that is identical with the very existence of this same I. In Fichte's technical terminology, the original unity of self-consciousness is to be understood as both an action and as the product of the same I, as a fact and/or act (Tathandlung), a unity that is presupposed by and contained within every fact and every act of empirical consciousness, though it never appears as such therein.
The 'I' must set (setzen) itself in order to be an 'I' at all; but it can set itself only insofar as it sets itself up as limited. Moreover, it cannot even set for itself its own limitations, in the sense of producing or creating these limits. The finite I cannot be the ground of its own passivity. Instead, for Fichte, if the 'I' is to set itself off at all, it must simply discover itself to be limited, a discovery that Fichte characterizes as a repulse or resistance (Anstoss) to the free practical activity of the I. Such an original limitation of the I is, however, a limit for the I only insofar as the I sets it out as a limit. The I does this, according to Fichte's analysis, by setting its own limitation, first, as only a feeling, then as a sensation, then as an intuition of a thing, and finally as a summons of another person. The Anstoss thus provides the essential impetus that first sets in motion the entire complex train of activities that finally result in our conscious experience both of ourselves and others as empirical individuals and of the world around us.
Though Anstoss plays a similar role as the thing in itself does in Kantian philosophy, unlike Kant, Fichte's Anstoss is not something foreign to the I. Instead, it denotes the I's original encounter with its own finitude. Rather than claim that the Not-I is the cause or ground of the Anstoss, Fichte argues that non-I is set-up by the I precisely in order to explain to itself the anstoss, that is, in order to become conscious of anstoss.
Though the Wissenschaftslehre demonstrates that such an Anstoss must occur if self-consciousness is to come about, it is quite unable to deduce or to explain the actual occurrence of such an Anstoss — except as a condition for the possibility of consciousness. Accordingly, there are strict limits to what can be expected from any a priori deduction of experience, and this limitation, for Fichte, equally applies to Kant's transcendental philosophy.
According to Fichte, transcendental philosophy can explain that the world must have space, time, and causality, but it can never explain why objects have the particular sensible properties they happen to have or why I am this determinate individual rather than another. This is something that the I simply has to discover at the same time that it discovers its own freedom, and indeed, as a condition for the latter.s degree, Fichte ended his studies.

Monday, September 6, 2010

Carlos Malamud, Spain, On CUBA

show details 10:22 AM (9 hours ago)

 • Fidel Castro ya no es el que era... pero sigue siendo

Carlos Malamud
Carlos Malamud es Catedrático de Historia de América Latina de la UNED e
investigador principal del Real Instituto Elcano


Análisis/Política y sociedad latinoamericana
Fidel Castro ya no es el que era... pero sigue siendo Por Carlos Malamud,

6 de septiembre de 2010

A comienzos de septiembre de 2010 Fidel Castro retomó una de sus actividades favoritas: el contacto directo y sin intermediarios entre el líder y las masas. Tras cuatro años de dura enfermedad y ya, según todas las evidencias, presuntamente recuperado de los males que lo aquejaban, la actividad febril desarrollada por el líder máximo
de la revolución en las últimas semanas ha desatado todo tipo de interpretaciones.

Sin embargo, el Castro que hemos visto en esta oportunidad no es el que era y los temas por él abordados en las últimas jornadas tampoco son los de antes. Queda entonces en el aire la pregunta de si algo ha cambiado en Cuba en el supuesto de que haya cambiado algo. En su toma de contacto con los estudiantes universitarios hemos visto a Fidel Castro enfundado en su simbólico uniforme verde oliva, aunque sin galones, medallas ni estrellas. Quedaba atrás el chándal de marca que lo acompaño en sus
cuatro años de convalecencia. En esta ocasión volvió a hablar de su tema
favorito de los últimos meses, la posibilidad de una hecatombe nuclear.

La cosa no quedó ahí. Para dar mayor dramatismo a su mensaje señaló que “le ha
correspondido a Cuba la dura tarea de advertir a la humanidad del peligro
real que está enfrentando”. Pero no nos preocupemos, ya que esta dura y
pesada tarea ha recaído, por propia voluntad, responsabilidad y conciencia
revolucionaria, sobre sus propias espaldas.

Al centrarse en estas cuestiones debió obviar, o callar, aquellas que habían
sido centrales en su discurso más tradicional y en su permanente lucha en
defensa de la ortodoxia revolucionaria. Si los temas abordados no eran los
de antes, la imagen transmitida tampoco era la de antaño. Sus ojos han
perdido buena parte de ese brillo feroz con que encandilaba a los suyos y
sembraba el terror entre los tibios y los contestatarios. Incluso leyó el
discurso que, cosa extraña, no se extendió más de 50 minutos. Visto lo
visto, todo indica que parece estar dispuesto no a perdonar sino a que lo
perdonen. Él, el que nunca se equivocaba, ya que las autocríticas estaban
hechas siempre para los otros, como mostró de maneja ejemplar el caso de los
fusilamientos del general Arnaldo Ochoa y del coronel Tony la Guardia –,
ahora muestra signos de debilidad.

Esta vez, en un largo reportaje concedido al periódico mexicano La Jornada, si bien asumió como equivocada la feroz persecución desatada desde las más altas instancias contra la homosexualidad en los años más duros de la revolución, se negó plenamente a asumir su propia responsabilidad, con el argumento de que eran años de mucha tensión y mucho ajetreo, en los que era imposible estar al tanto de toda la agenda.
Sin embargo, sí dijo que se habían excedido en el tratamiento de la cuestión.

Como si la realidad inmediata no existiera, o no interesara, Castro se
dedicó a pontificar más de lo divino que de lo humano, más de lo que le
preocupa al orbe global que a la urbe cubana

Pese a su actitudes recientes, lo más curioso de su intervención ante los
estudiantes universitarios de La Habana, en línea con buena parte de sus
recientes apariciones públicas y de sus últimas reflexiones, fue la
prácticamente nula alusión a los asuntos más inmediatos. Así obvió los temas
internos cubanos, los abundantes problemas cotidianos que deben afrontar sus
resignados compatriotas, la seria y grave crisis económica que vive el país,
el camino casi sin salida, en definitiva, en que se encuentra encallada la
revolución, pese a que se repita de forma machacona e insistente el mantra
de “patria o muerte”.

Como si la realidad inmediata no existiera, o no interesara, Castro se dedicó a pontificar más de lo divino que de lo humano, más de lo que le preocupa al orbe global que a la urbe cubana, y así fue como se volvió a explayar sobre el riesgo inminente de una guerra nuclear, aunque sin pronosticar, en esta ocasión, la fecha exacta en que ésta tendría
lugar.

A la vista de lo dicho y escrito por Castro en las últimas semanas se podría
concluir que éste vive al borde de la conmoción por el tema nuclear, a tal
punto que lo discutió en profundidad con Hugo Chávez y sus reflexiones
también fueron oídas por Evo Morales. De este modo, se ha establecido una
vez más un fuerte vínculo entre abuelo, padre e hijo en la revolución, una
revolución que hoy es más bolivariana que socialista, pese a las soflamas de
unos y otros. En esta ocasión Castro se ha plegado una vez más a la postura
chavista, como muestra su cerrada defensa del plan nuclear iraní. Y así fue
como se preguntó si acaso es un delito construir una central nuclear con
fines pacíficos, dando por sentado que esos son los firmes propósitos que
mueven al régimen iraní.

La transparencia del régimen cubano sigue inmersa, como viene ocurriendo
desde la época de la clandestinidad, en un cono de sombra del que no ha
podido, o no ha querido, salir

Tras su larga enfermedad, que lo tuvo al borde de la muerte, como el mismo
Fidel Castro confesó, y su prolongada convalecencia, no es de extrañar la
reaparición de las batallas juveniles en su relato. ¿Estaremos frente al
caso del abuelo, ya mayor, recordando una y otra vez sus batallas de otros
tiempos? Porque es bueno recordar que fue en 1962, y no ahora, cuando se
produjo la llamada crisis de los misiles, el momento en que el mundo se
encontró al borde de la catástrofe nuclear. Y si esto hubiera ocurrido, él
hubiera sido uno de los principales responsables, por no decir el máximo
responsable de lo que hubiera podido suceder. Su dureza se debía a que había
que demostrar, adentro y afuera de Cuba, que la consigna que guiaba a la
revolución, el ya citado “patria o muerte”, no era una boutade y que la
revolución no iba de farol.

Las apariciones recientes de Fidel Castro han hecho correr ríos de tinta y
han dado lugar a numerosas interpretaciones y especulaciones sobre las
reales motivaciones y el sentido último de sus palabras, como recordaba
recientemente Andrés Oppenheimer. La transparencia del régimen cubano sigue
inmersa, como viene ocurriendo desde la época de la clandestinidad, en un
cono de sombra del que no ha podido, o no ha querido, salir. Algunos inciden
en el tradicional reparto de roles, policía bueno, policía malo, entre los
dos hermanos Castro.

En este caso, los asuntos de casa y los de comer le tocan a Raúl, mientras los importantes, los verdaderamente trascendentales, como los de la guerra y de la paz, recaen sobre las espaldas de Fidel. Pese a ello, no se sabe a ciencia cierta si Fidel apoya convencido, o a regañadientes, la labor gubernamental de su hermano Raúl. También están los que creen que el discurso de Fidel en torno a lo nuclear es sólo una cortina de humo para que no se hable de la muerte de Orlando Zapata Tamayo o del
lamentable estado de salud de Guillermo Fariñas.

Mientras el mayor de los hermanos Castro siga vivo son pocas las esperanzas
de que podamos asistir a grandes y trascendentales cambios en Cuba

De todos modos, pese a ese distante segundo plano en que está ubicado, la
capacidad de veto y bloqueo que tiene Fidel Castro sobre el futuro de Cuba
sigue estando ahí y se mantiene incólume. Por eso, mientras el mayor de los
hermanos siga vivo son pocas las esperanzas de que podamos asistir a grandes
y trascendentales cambios en Cuba. A lo más, seguirá el goteo de pequeñas y
limitadas acciones de parcheo, aunque los economistas cubanos más lúcidos
insisten una y otra vez en que ya prácticamente no hay más margen de
maniobra ni más tiempo para dilatar las reformas.

La consigna del momento es que la revolución debe permanecer por encima de
todo, inclusive por encima del cadáver del líder máximo. De ahí la plena
vigencia de la ya repetidamente citada consigna de “patria o muerte”. Sin
lugar a dudas, la revolución debe seguir siendo fiel a sus raíces, cueste lo
que cueste, o sufra quien sufra. Ojalá me equivoque, pero de ser las cosas
así, este lento y agónico seguir siendo de Fidel Castro arrastrará a su
pueblo a más sufrimiento y a una miseria mucho mayor de la ACTUALMENTE
EXISTENTE

Sunday, September 5, 2010

Recuerdos--y contratiempos--de mi 'liberacion' de Cuba

 TO JOAQUIM IBARZ,  LA VANGUARDIA'S
veteran correspondent in Mexico
show details 12:13 PM (0 minutes ago)
Mi querido Quim:

A los 82 la memoria no es lo que fue a los 32--especialmente en lo que es reciente.  O sea, no recuerdo si sigues en Miami o ya estas en Mexico.  Por lo de Rivera me parece que sigues rodeado de la gusanada, lo que indica que aun estas en Miami.  Me permito el 'sobrenombre' de la gusanada porque por un tiempo fui considerado 'uno de ellos'.

Lo que siempre me enorgullecio como periodista de la UP fue que mientras los fidelistas desconfiaban de mi como agente de la CIA, los gusanos me atacaban de 'rojillo'.  

Creo que te habia contado que de los incidentes surgideos a los pocos minutos de haber iniciado mi discurso en un almuerzo del National Press Club pocos dias tras mi 'liberacion' dee Cuba, discurso en que critique duramente a los lideres cubanos en el exilio por haber 'embarcado' al gobierno de Kennedy en tal descabellada aventura.  En la sala surguio un estgallido de ruido cuando dos mesas ocupadas por los lideres de la 'contra' -- Miro Cardona y otros--se levantaron bruscamente una decena de comensales que abandonaron la sala entre gritos de 'vendido al Castrismo' y otros improperios.

Para mi fortuna, una sarta de diplomaticos latinoamericanos, liderados por el gran y querido Vicente Sanchez Gavito, embajador de Mexico ante la OEA, para ofrecerme una ovacion de pie, ahogando a los gusanos gritones.

Ahi tienes algo de una antigua epoca que aun reprimo un poco.

Abrazos,

Onkel Hank

2010/9/5 Joaquim Ibarz <jibarz@attglobal.net>
- Show quoted text -

Wednesday, August 25, 2010

OAS BLUES

It was not long before Orfila was compelled to confront me stating that there had been ‘a number of complaints’ from various sources about ‘administrative deficiencies’ in my department.

That my administrative skills left plenty to be desired was a given.  However, administrative skills had not been part of my job description-—nor, for that matter, were other departments of the organization models of bureaucratic efficiency and probity.

Orfila did, however, try to help me by giving me Scheman’s administrative support along with that of two professional Argentine diplomats that formed his ‘political cabinet’, Guillermo MacGough and Marcelo Huergo.  Both later went on to become ambassadors in Europe and the Middle East.

Orfila eventually bolstered my team by appointing an ‘Assistant Director’ with the mandate to take over the department’s adminstratve chores.  He turned out to be an Argentine historian, with the respectable Basque name of Roberto Etechpareborda who had applied for only a temporary position.

One problem in writing a memoir, of course, is the need to ward off the temptation of putting a better face that some bad experiences warrant by that insidious ‘corrective’ mechanism known as mellowing with age.

Anyway,  the more rewarding experiences at the OAS included a week-long cultural festival I was invited to organize by Martin Feinstein, the artistic director of the Kennedy Center.  I had known Martin when he was the press person of the Sol Hurok enterprises, perhaps the most influential artist’s management in New York.  He informed me that the City Center Ballet had suddenly cancelled its appearance in Washington.  This meant that the Kennedy Center was faced with the agonizing prospect of at least one ‘dark’ fortnight.  Since I had frequently talked to Martin about opening up the Center to Latin American performers, which he had been reluctant to do.  He now wanted to know if I would be in a position to find enough quality artists to fill that fortnight.

I promptly said ‘of course’ but that I needed those two weeks before I would confirm.  He said he could wait.  I decided that, if necessary, I would use the last nickel of my department’s travel funds to scour the hemisphere for artists sufficiently qualified to appear at a highly respected U.S. cultural center.  The trip began with Buenos Aires, where with the financial assistance of my friend Paul Hirsch and his Fundacion Antorchas, I was able to engage the excellent Camerata de Bariloche chamber orchestra.

The Camerata, was an ensemble created by the residents of the ski resort town of Bariloche, at the foothill of the Andes Mountains, with Paul’s Financial assistance.  The young orchestra musicians were guided by the same principles of music making that prevailede in Marlboro and Tanglewood.

Our Washington festival turned out to be both an artistic and popular success--great reviews and sold-out houses.  The Camerata, for example, was able to follow up the Washington concert with appearances in New York and several other U.S. cities, as were other ensembles as well as solo performers.

Sunday, August 15, 2010

Priceless Frank Rich........

In his review Jonathan Alter's The Promise: President Obama, Year One


As soon as Inauguration Day turned to night, the real Obama was destined to depreciate like the shiny new ludxury car that starts to lose its book value the moment it's driven off the lot.

Saturday, August 14, 2010

Gov. Bill Richardson's Column on U.S.-Latin American relations

   
show details 8:24 AM (0 minutes ago)
 Hemisphere countries to collaborate

Network NewsXPROFILE
Tweet4
View More Activity
TOOLBOX
 ResizePrintE-mail
Yahoo! BuzzReprints


COMMENT
31 Comments  |  View All »
POST A COMMENT
Your washingtonpost.com User ID,OnkelHeinz, will be displayed with your comment.


 Discussion Policy
WHO'S BLOGGING
» Links to this article
By Bill Richardson
Saturday, August 14, 2010
Arizona's attempt to create and enforce its own immigration policy has once again amplified -- and politicized -- the immigration debate in this country. But the fallout of that debate extends beyond our borders. The anti-

immigrant push in Arizona has further alienated our neighbors throughout Latin America, who had been hoping for better relations with the United States after President Obama's election. We need to turn this opportunity to our advantage and engage with our neighbors throughout the Western Hemisphere.

Latin America has perhaps the greatest impact, in terms of trade and culture, on the daily lives of most Americans. U.S. exports to Latin America have grown faster in the past 11 years than to any other region, including Asia. Hispanics represent the biggest ethnic and most sought-after voting bloc in the United States. And nearly every country in North America, Central America, South America and the Caribbean now has a democratically elected government.

The time is right to leverage our trade and partnerships and advance a more collaborative relationship with our neighbors to the south. The Obama administration should consider these five steps:

-- First, it should aggressively lobby Congress for a comprehensive immigration law. Such legislation would include increased border security; a crackdown on illegal hires; and an accountable path to legalization that requires the 11 million immigrants here illegally to learn English, pass a background check, pay fines and get in line behind those who are trying to enter our country legally. Illegal immigrants come to our country from Central and South America and the Caribbean. This is not just an issue with Mexico; it is a hemispheric issue that needs a comprehensive response.


-- Second, as a first step to changing our policy toward Cuba, the president should issue an executive order to lift as much of the travel ban as possible. The travel ban penalizes U.S. businesses, lowers our credibility in Latin America and fuels anti-U.S. propaganda. Lifting the ban would also be a reciprocal gesture for Cuba's recent agreement, negotiated among the Catholic Church, the Spanish government and President Ra?l Castro, to release political dissidents. Obama has taken significant steps to loosen restrictions on family travel, remove limits for remittance and expand cooperation in other areas such as expanding the export of humanitarian goods from the United States into Cuba. Loosening travel restrictions is in U.S. interests and would be a bold move toward normalization of relations with Cuba.

-- Third, embark on a new Alliance for Progress with Latin America and the Caribbean, modeled on President John F. Kennedy's vision for the hemisphere. This should not be a one-sided alliance preconceived on expansion of U.S. markets, nor an agreement that imposes a U.S. solution. We need a new partnership in which we close the gap between the haves and have-nots by addressing both human and economic needs and giving more priority to the indigenous people of this hemisphere.

The United States needs to craft a hemispheric agenda that includes and emphasizes solutions to energy demands and climate change in Latin America and the Caribbean. Perhaps we need a hemispheric agreement on renewable energy that provides the technical know-how for the Americas and dramatically expands the biofuel agreement with Brazil. We also need to move quickly toward a real carbon-trading system that would reward countries that protect their forests.

-- Fourth, we should continue to seek trade agreements that are free and fair and contain strong standards on labor, the environment and human rights. Pending trade agreements with Colombia and Panama should be approved by Congress and once again establish the United States as a reliable trading partner. Additionally, the Obama administration should seek a hemispheric agreement on common labor, environmental and human rights standards. This bold move would promote our interests and image in the region.

-- Finally, we need a hemispheric accord on crime and violence. In New Mexico, we are working with law enforcement at the local, state and federal levels and on both sides of our border with Mexico to share intelligence and stop the illicit trade of narcotics, illegal guns and human trafficking. These are transnational issues that involve a coordinated effort to protect the safety of law-abiding citizens of the United States and Mexico. We must not allow the immigration debate to distract from our national responsibility to engage with our neighbors in Latin America and the Caribbean. Better hemispheric relations should be a foreign policy priority, not an afterthought.

The writer, a Democrat, is governor of New Mexico. He is former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations and former energy secretary.